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•! FROM 










M.DCCC.XLY, •-««/ 












My Lord, 

gjiREAT was the difference betwixt the 
^-'^ breeding of Adonijah and Solomoo, 

though sons to the same fether: the 
fonner tasted not of reproof, much 
less of correction; it being never said unto him, 
Wh^ hast thou done so^? 

Solomon had hia education on severer principles ; 
he was his parents' darling, not their fondling ■'. It 
was after sounded in his ears, What my son, and 
what the son of my womb ^ ? 

Our English gentry too often embrace the first 

■ [Sir Walter, the fifth vis- 499. His son Leicester sue 

count, son and heir of sir Ed. ceeded him ; but I think that 

ward Devereux, succeeded to Fuller has mistaken the son's 

the title in 1646, and died in name for the lather's.] 

1661. He was one of the peers ^ i Kings, i. 6. 

sent by parliament to wait on <= Ptot, iv, 3. 

king Charles II. at the Hague, ^ Prov, xxxi, 3. 
in 1660. See Clarendon, vii. 



course in breeding their children, whereby they 
become old men before they axe wise men, because 
their fathers made them gentlemen before they 
were men; making them too soon to know the 
great means they are bom to, and too long to be 
ignorant of any good quality, whereby to acquire 
a maintenance, in case their estates (as all things 
are uncertain) should fiiil or forsake them. Hence 
it is they are as unable to endure any hardship as 
David to march in Saul's armour, {for he had never 
proved it ®,) utterly unacquainted therewith. 

But your discreet parents, though kind, were not 
cockering unto you, whom they sent very young 
into the Low Countries, where in some sort you 
earned what you eat in no less honourable than 
dangerous employment. This hath settled the 
sinews of your soul, and compacted the joints 
thereof, which in too many hang loose, as rather 
tacked than knit together. 

Since being returned into England, partly by 
your patrimony, partly by your matrimony, an 
ancient and fair estate hath accrued unto you ; yet 
it hath not grown (as St. Basil fencieth roses in 
Paradise before Adam's fall) without thorns and 
prickles. Many molestations attended it, through 
which you have waded in a good measure ; having 
had trials indeed, wherein, on what side soever the 
verdict went, you gained patience and experience. 

® I Sam. xvii. 39. 

• • • V 

• k » • V 


Indeed, there is an experience, the mistress of 
fools, which they learn by their losses, and those 
caused by their own carelessness or wilfiilness in 
managing their affairs; but also there is one, the 
masterpiece of wise men to attain, wherein they 
observe the events of all things, after their utmost 
endeavours have submitted the success to Divine 
Providence. Yours is of the last and best kind, 
whereby you are become a skilful master of defence, 
knowing all the advantageous postures and guards 
in our laws, not thereby to vex others, but save 
yourself from vexation. 

Thus having borne the yoke in your youth, you 

may the better afford ease and repose to your 

reduced age ; and having studied many men in 

arms, more in gowns, you now may solace yourself, 

and entertain the time with perui^ng of books; 

amongst which I humbly request this may have the 

favour of your honour's eye, to whom, on a double 

motive, it is dedicated : first, because containing the 

life of that prince who for his piety may be exem- 

plary to all persons of quality ; secondly, because it 

was he who conferred the highest (still remaining) 

honour on your family, advancing it (formerly very 

ancient amongst the barons) to the degree and 

dignity of viscounts; wherein that it may long 

flourish in plenty and happiness, is the daily prayer 


Your Honour's most obliged Servant, 


[In the reign of Edward VI.» Faller has generally followed sir 
John Hayward's Life of that prince ; from him he has admitted 
several anecdotes into this book, which rest upon no better 
authority than that historian's word ; of whose history, and the 
mistakes contained in it, the reader may see a review by Strype 
in his Mem. ii. 470. Sir John Hayward*s Life of this prince 
was first published in 4to, Lond. 1630; reprinted in i2mo, 
Lond. 1636, with an Appendix, containing "The Beginning of 
*' the Reign of Queen Elizabeth." The latter is the edition 
here used. The book has been several times reprinted ; among 
others* by bishop Kennet in his Complete History of England.] 





^ING Henry the Eighth, though dymgA.D.iM7. 

' ' excommunicate in the church of Rome, — '- 

had, notwithstanding, his obsequieB eo-fijb^!' 
lemnly performed at Paris in France, ^^ 
by the command of Francis the French'™^ 
king*, presuming so much on his own power and 
the pope's patience ; otherwise such courtesy to his 
&iend might have cost him a curse to himself. Then 
began king Edward, his son, to reign, scarce ten 
years old, full of as much worth as the model of his 
age could hold. No pen passeth by bim without 
pnusing him, though none prusing him to his full 
deserts; yea, Sanders himself having the stink of 
his ndling tongue over-scented with the fragrant 
ointment of this prince's memoiy, though jeering 
him for his want of age, which was God's pleasure 
and not king Edward's fault, and mocking him for 
his religion, (the other's highest honour,) alloweth 
him in other respects large commendations. 

> OodwJn in Edrardo Sexto, psg.i58E= 191. 


The Church ERstory 

BOOK vn. 

A.D. 1547. 2. No sooner was he come to the crown, but a 

'• — 1 peaceable dew refreshed God's inheritance in Elng- 

prosM^ land, formerly parched with persecution; and this 
tote* ^r* S^^^ angel struck off the fetters from many Peters 
England, in prison, preserving those who were appointed to 
die; only Thomas Dobbe, fellow of St. John's in 
Cambridge, committed to the Compter in Bread 
Street, and condemned for speaking against the mass, 
died of a natural death, in respect of any public 
punishment by law inflicted on him ; but whether or 
no any private impression of violence hastened his 
end, God alone knoweth. His speedy death pre- 
vented the pardon which the lord protector intended 
to send him**: Divine Providence so ordering it, 
that he should touch, not enter; see, not taste; 

^ Fox, Acts &c., II. 65 5 . [He 
was committed, not for merely 
speaking against the mass, but 
for interrupting the service in 
St.Paurs Church, when a priest 
was employed in elevating the 
host 3 "for which cause straight- 
*' way he was apprehended by 
the mayor, and afterward ac- 
cused to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, and committed 
to the Compter, then in Bread 
*' Street ; where he not long 
continued* but falling into a 
sickness, how or whereupon 
I cannot tell, shortly upon 
** the same changed this mortal 
" life ; whose pardon, notwith- 
" standing, was obtained of the 
** lord protector, and should 
" have been brought him if he 
•* had continued.'* Fox, II. 655. 
This person was acting contrary 
to law ; for, as it will be seen 
by the King's Injunctions im- 
mediately following, (artt. xzi. 
xxiii.) the mass was still allowed 








in churches as it was in the last 
reign ; and in art. xxvii. of the 
same injunctions, all having care 
of churches are commanded "to 
" instruct and teach in their 
" cures that no man ought ob- 
" stinately and maliciously to 
" break and violate the laudable 
•' ceremonies by the king com-^ 
" manded to be observed, and 
" as yet not abrogated" The 
administration of the eucharist, 
according to the present use of 
the church of England, was 
appointed on the 1 3th of March, 
1548, the parliament having 
resolved that such use was most 
agreeable " to the first institu- 
" tion and use of the primitive 
'^ church." See the letters from 
the council to the bishops for 
that purpose. Fox, II. 659. And 
accordingly, on the 6th of April, 
a proclamation was made that 
the ancient form should be 
disused throughout the realm. 
Stow, 596.] 


of Britain. 


behold, not reap benefit on earth of this Beforma-A.D. 1547. 
tion. Other confessors which had fled beyond sea, ^ ^^^^' 
as John Hooper, Miles Coverdale, &e. S returned 
with joy into their country; and all Protestants, 
which formerly for fear had dissembled their religion, 
now publicly professed the same: of these, arch- 
bishop Cranmer was the chiefest ; who, though wil- 
lingly he had done no ill, and privately many good 
offices for the Protestants, yet his cowardly com- 
pliance hitherto with popery, against his conscience, 
cannot be excused ; serving the times present in his 
practice, and waiting on a future alteration in his 
hopes and desires. 

3. Edward Semaure, the king's uncle, lately made Commia- 
lord protector and duke of Somerset, ordered all m^^^ 
church and state ^. He, by the king's power, or, if ^th in^^ 
you please, the king in his protection, took speedy J^^^l^^ 
order for reformation of religion; and being loth 
that the people of the land should live so long in 
error and ignorance, till a parliament should be 
solemnly summoned, (which for some reasons of state 
could not so quickly be called,) in the mean time, by 
his own regal power and authority, and the advice 
of his wise and honourable council, chose commis- 
sioners, and sent them vdth instructions into several 

^ Sanders, de Schis. Anglic. 
p. 181 = 193. 

d [Burnet, II. 8. Strype's 
Mem. II. 16. The earl of 
Hertford^ who was the eldest 
brother of the king's mother, 
was proclaimed protector the 
ist of February, by an herald 
at arms, and sound of trumpet 
through the city of London. On 
the 1 7th of the same month he 
was created duke of Somerset. 

(Holinshed,979. Stow, 593-4.) 
The letters patent confirming 
the protectorship to him^ and 
dated 13 th Mardi^ are printed 
in Burnet, II. 142. He was to 
enjoy this almost unlimited 
power, greater, perhaps, than 
any subject ever had, till the 
king accomplished the age of 
eighteen years. See Burnet> II. 
35. Stow, ib.] 


The Church ERstory 


A. D. 1547. parts of the kingdom, for the rooting out of super- 

'- stition ; the substance whereof (thirty-six in number) 

we have here presented « : 

The King's Injunctions ^. 

i. " That all ecclesiastical persons observe the 
" laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped 
" power of the bishop of Rome, and confirmation of 
" the king's authority and supremacy. 

ii. " That, once a quarter at least, they sincerely 
« declare the word of God, dissuading their people 
" from superstitious fancies of pilgrimages, praying 
" to images, &c. ; exhorting them to the works of 
" faith, mercy, and charity. 

c Qln the beginning of Sep- 
tember^ 1547, the protector and 
the rest of the council appointed 
a royal visitation for furthering 
the progress of the Reforma- 
tion : thirty commissioners were 
thereupon named, who were to 
divide the different counties 
among themselves. Their names 
and circuits are enumerated in 
Strype's Cr. 146. Accordingly, 
in the month of May. (as Strype 
affirms,) royal letters were is- 
sued to the archbishops and 
bishops to forbear their visita- 
tion^ as was usually done in all 
royal and archiepiscopal visita- 
tions; and in the interim a 
Book of Injunctions, of which 
an abstract is here given, was 
prepared, whereby the king's 
visitors should direct their visi- 
tation. These were also accom- 
panied with a book of articles^ 
printed at the same time, called 
*' Articles to be inquired of in 
" the King's Majesty's Visita- 

•* tion." These articles were 
twice printed in 1547, by Graf- 
ton^ and are reprinted in 
Strype's Mem. ii. 48. One 
thing is not a little remarkable 
in this visitation, that being 
entirely a civil commission, 
without a single bishop among 
the number, it should be vested 
with power of summoning be- 
fore it all bishops^ and examine 
them as well as others concern- 
ing their lives and doctrines.] 

^ [According to Strype, Cr. 
146^ the original of these in- 
junctions is preserved in Cor- 
pus Christi College, Cambridge, 
signed by Cranmer and others 
of the privy council. They have 
been frequently printed, at full 
lengthy by Grafton, in 1547 ; 
in Fox, 684, ed. ist; in Spar- 
row's Collections, ii. p. i ; in 
Wilkins, iv. 3 ; in Cranmer's 
Works, iv. 327. In many points 
they resemble the injunctions 
set forth in 1536.] 



CENT. xvT. of Britain, 11 

iii. *^ That images abused with pilgrimages and a. d. 1547. 

*^ offerings thereunto be forthwith taken down and '- — - 

" destroyed, and that no more wax candles or tapers 

" be burnt before any image ; but only two lights 

" upon the high altar before the sacrament shall 

" remain still, to signify that Christ is the very light 

" of the world. 

iv. " That every holy day, when they have no 
sermon, the Paternoster, Credo, and Ten Com- 
mandments shall be plainly recited in the pulpit 
to the parishioners. 
V. " That parents and masters bestow their chil- 

** dren and servants either to learning or some honest 

" occupation. 

vi. " That such who, in cases expressed in the 

" statute, are absent from their benefices, leave 

" learned and expert curates. 

vii. " That within three months after this visita- 
tion the Bible of the largest volume in English, 
and within twelve months Erasmus his Paraphrase 
on the Gospel, [in English,] be provided and con- 

" veniently placed in the church, for people to read 

** therein. 

viii. " That no ecclesiastical persons haunt ale- 

" houses or taverns, or any place of unlawful 

" gaming. 

ix. " That they examine such who come to con- 

« fession to them in Lent, whether they can recite 

" their Creed, Paternoster, and Ten Commandments*? 

" in English before they receive the blessed sacra- 

'' ment of the altar, or else they ought not to pre- 

" sxmie to come to God's board. 

g [In the original, '* the articles of their faith."] 

12 The Church History book vii. 

A. D. 1547. X. ^* That none be admitted to preaoh, except 
' " sufficiently licensed* 

xi. " That if they have heretofore extolled pil- 
" grimages, relics, worshipping of images, &c., they 
** now openly recant and reprove the same as a com- 
" mon error, groundless in scripture. 

xii. " That they detect and present such who are 
" letters of the word of God in English, and £a,utors 
" of the bishop of Rome his pretended power. 

xiii. " That a register-book be carefully kept in 
" every parish for weddings, christenings, and burials. 

xiv. " That all ecclesiastical persons not resident 
" upon their benefices, and able to dispend yearly 
" twenty pounds and above, shall, in the presence of 
" the churchwardens or some other honest men, 
" distribute the fortieth part of their revenues 
'' amongst the poor of the parish. 

XV. "That every ecclesiastical person shall give 
" competent exhibition to so many scholars in one of 
" the universities as he hath hundred pounds a year 
^ in church promotions. 

xvi. " That the fifth part of their benefices be 
" bestowed on their mansion-houses or chancels, till 
" they be fully repaired. 

xvii. " That he readeth these injunctions once a 


xviii. " That none bound to pay tithes detain them 

by colour of duty omitted by their curates, and so 
** redoub one wrong with another. 

xix. " That no person henceforth shall alter any 

&8ting-day that is commanded, or manner of com- 
mon prayer or divine service, (otherwise than spe- 
" cified in these injunctions,) until otherwise ordered 
by the king's authority. 





of Britain. 




XX. "That every ecclesiastical person under the a. d. 1547. 

" degree of bachelor of divinity shall, within three '• — '- 

" months after this visitation, provide of his own the 
" New Testament in Latin and English, with Eras- 
" mus his Paraphrase thereon ^ ; and that bishops 
by themselves, and their officers, shall examine 
them how much they have profited in the study of 
" holy scripture. 

xxi. " That, in the time of high mass, he that 
" sayeth or singeth a psalm shaU read the epistle 
" and gospel in English, and one chapter in the New 
" Testament at matins, and another at evensong [in 
" the Old Testament] ; and that when nine lessons 
" are to be read in the church, three of them shall 
" be omitted with responds ; and at evensong the 
responds, with all the memories, 
xxii. " That, to prevent in sick persons the damn- 
able vice of despair, they shall learn and have 



^ [This English translation 
of the paraphrase of Erasmus, 
undertaken, as it appears, at 
the desire and charge of queen 
Catherine Parr, (Strype's Mem. 
II. 130,) was much objected to 
by the Roman Catholics, espe- 
cially by Grardiner,the bishop of 
Winchester. See his letters to 
the protector, in Fox^ II. in init. 
This translation was the work 
of several hands. The para- 
phrase of St. Luke was trans- 
lated by Nicholas Udal; St. 
Mark by Thomas Key or Cay, 
(Wood, Ath. 1.3 99,) afterwards 
master of University College, 
Oxford ; St. John by the prin- 
cess Mary, but she falling sick 
from overmuch studv in it, that 
part was finished by her chap- 
tain. Dr. Mallet. In 1 549, John 

Old translated the Canonical 
Epistles, with the Epistles of 
St. Paul to the Ephesians, Phi- 
lippians i. and ii., to the Thes- 
salonians i. and ii., to Timothy, 
and to Philemon. Leonard Cox 
translated the Epistle to Titus 
(Wood,Ath. 1. 123.) The Ex. 
position on the Revelations was 
not written by Erasmus, but by 
Leo Jude, in the German lan- 
guage, and was translated by 
Edmund Allen. The translators 
of the rest of the book are not 
known . The first edition, which 
contained only the Gospel and 
Acts, appeared about this time, 
1547; the rest came forth in 
1549, and a second impression 
in 1552. See Strype's Mem. 
II. 28—30.] 

14 The Church History book vii. 

AD. 1547.^' always in readiness such comfortable places and 

1 '* sentences of scripture as do set forth the mercy, 

" benefits, and goodness of God Almighty towards 
" all penitent and believinff persons. 

xxiH. " To avoid all conLtion and strife which 
« heretofore have risen amongst the king's subjects, 
" by challenging of places in procession, no proces- 
^^ sion hereafter shall be used about the church or 
** churchyard ; but immediately before high mass the 
" litany shall be distinctly said or sung in English, 
" none departing the church without just cause, and 

all ringing of bells (save one) utterly forborne [at 
" that time, except one bell, in convenient time, to 

be rung or knoUed before the sermon]. 

xxiv. " That the holy day, at the first beginning 

godly instituted and ordained, be wholly given to 

God, in hearing the word of God read and taught, 
" in private and public prayers, in acknowledging 
" their offences to God, and amendment ; in recon- 
" ciling themselves to their neighbours, receiving 
" the communion, visiting the sick, &c.; only it shall 
" be lawful for them, in time of harvest, to labour 
** upon holy and festival days, and save that thing 
" which God hath sent ; and that scrupulosity to 
« abstain from working upon those days doth griev- 
" ously offend God. 

XXV. "That no curate admit to the communion 
" such who are in rancour and malice with their 
" neighbours, till such controversies be reconciled. 

xxvi. " That every dean, archdeacon, &c., being a 
" priest, preach by himself personally twice a year at 
" least. 

xxvii. " That they instruct their people not ob- 
" stinately to violate the ceremonies of the church 




of Britain. 


by the king commanded to be observed, and not a. d. 
as yet abrogated ; and on the other side, that who- — 
soever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the 
same to the great peril of his soul's health, 
xxviii. " That they take away and destroy all 
shrines, covering of shrines, tables, candlesticks, 
trindles or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and 
other monuments of feigned miracles, so that no 
memory of them remain in walls or windows ; ex- 
horting their parishioners to do the like in their 
several houses ; and that a comely pulpit be pro- 
vided in a convenient place K 
xxix. " That a strong chest be provided, with a 
hole in the upper part thereof, (with three keys 
thereunto belonging,) be provided to receive the 
charity of people to the poor, and the same at 


^ [Unfortunately the parish- 
ioners were too ready to re- 
move shrines^ &c.» not from 
their own houses, but from 
the churches into their own 
houses ; so that, as our author 
expresses it, (book vii. sect. ii. 
§. I,) "Private men's halls were 
" hung with altar doaths^ their 
*' tables and beds covered with 
*' copes instead of carpets and 
" coverlets. Many drank^ at 
" their daily meals, in chalices; 
" and no wonder if in propor- 
*' tion it came to the sliare of 
** their horses to be watered in 
'* rich coffins of marble." This 
species of plundering was car. 
ned to so great an extent, that 
a commission was appointed in 
the sixth year of this king's 
reign^ for taking a survey of 
and making an inquisition into 
the churches* goods ; with what 

effect, may be seen at the same 
place of this history; and for 
what purpose the reader may 
judge from this entry in king 
£dward's Journal, June 2,1551: 
" It was appointed that I should 
** receive the Frenchmen that 
" came hither at Westminster, 
*' where was made preparation 
'* for the purpose, and four 
" garnish of new vessels taken 
" out of church-stuff, as mitres, 
golden missals, and primers 
and crosses and reliques of 
|Plessay.'* This!] desecration 
of things appointed for religious 
uses could not fail of producing 
very evil effects upon the public 
mind; and they who learned to 
spurn and think with contempt 
of the accidentals of religion, 
soon came to despise the essen. 
tials also.] 





• 16 The Church History book vil 

A. D. 1547." convenient times distributed unto them in the 
'^''•^'• " presence of the parish. 

XXX. " That priests be not bound to go to visit 
" women lying in child-bed, except in times of dan- 
« gerous sickness ; and not to fetch any corpse, 
" except it be brought to the churchyard. 

xxxi. " That to avoid the detestable sin of simony, 
the seller shall lose his right of patronage for that 
time, and the buyer to be deprived and maxie 
unable to receive spiritual promotion, 
xxxii. ^' That because of the lack of preachers, 
curates shall read homilies, which are and shall be 
" set forth by the king's authority. 

xxxiii. " Whereas many indiscreet persons do un- 
^^ charitably contemn and abuse priests, having small 
^^ learning : his majesty chargeth his subjects that 
" henceforth they be reverently used, for their office 
" and ministration sake. 

xxxiv. " That all persons not understanding Latin 
" shall pray on no other primer but what lately 
" was set forth in English by king Henry the Eighth, 
" and that such who have knowledge in Latin use 
" none other also ; and that all graces before and 
" after meat be said in English, and no grammar 
" taught in schools but what is set forth by au- 
" thority. 

xxxv. " That chantry priests teach youth to read 
** and write. 

xxxvi. " That when any sermon or homily shall 
" be had, the prime and hours shall be omitted '^." 

^ [Dr. Bulkely^ chaplain to wherein were certain correc- 

archbishop Sancroft> and tions, as he supposed^ by Cran- 

Strype's friend, possessed a mer himself. The words high 

copy of these injunctions^ mtus were changed into the 


of Britain, 






2%^ jPorwi of bidding the Common Prayers^. 

" You shall pray for the whole congregation of A. D. 1547 
*' Christ's church, and especially for this church of-!! — 1^ 
" England and Ireland ; wherein, first, I commend 
" to your devout prayers the king's most excellent 
majesty, supreme head immediately under God of 
the spirituality and temporality of the same 
church ; and for queen Katharine dowager ; and 
also for my lady Mary and my lady Elizabeth, the 
'' king's sisters- 

*^ Secondly, you shall pray for the lord protector's 
" grace, with all the rest of the king's majesty's 
** council ; for all the lords of this realm, and for 
" the clergy and the commons of the same ; beseech- 
" ing Almighty God to give every of them, in his 
degree, grace to use themselves in suchwise as 
may be to God's glory, the king's honour, and the 
" weal of this realm. 

"Thirdly, ye shall pray for all them that be de-. 



celebration of the holy commu^ 
nion; mass and service changed 
into God's service ; injunction 
xxi. expunged, as also the lat- 
ter part of the xxixth ; also 
xxxvth and xxxvith were to 
be expunged ; and to the form 
of bidding prayer is added a 
prayer for success of the duke 
of Somerset's expedition against 
the Scots. Strype's Mem. II. 


1 [For some account of the 
forms of bidding prayer, see 
Burnet, II. 61. That writer 
has printed the form^ such as 
it was, used in the time of king 
Henry VII. {II. ii. N. 8.) See 


also another form, put out in the 
yeari536, (Wilkins, III. 807,) 
which is the same as that 
adopted by bishop Hilsey in 
his Primer of 1539, he having 
merely changed the words *' the 
" most noble and virtuous lady 
'' queen Jane, his most lawful 
" wife," into, " for the pros- 
" perity of the noble prince 
*• Edward his son," p. 329, (ed. 
Oxon. 1834.) Ant. Harmer 
(Wharton) has also published 
another, from a MS. in the 
Lambeth Library, in his " Spe- 
" cimen of Errors, &c." p. 1 66, 
which is reprinted in Collier, 
II. App. p. 60.] 

18 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. 1547." parted out of this world in the faith of Christ, that 
' they with us, and we with them, at the day of 
judgment, may rest both body and soul, with 
^ Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of 
" heaven." 

Observations on the King's Injunctions. 
Thtewis. Let us here admire God's wisdom in our first 

dom of our 

reformer*, reformers, who proceeded so moderately in a matter 
of so great consequence : to reform all at once, had 
been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New 
wine must be gently poured into old bottles, lest the 
strength of the liquor, advantaged with the violence 
of the infusion, break the vessel. Jacob could not 
keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot, as used 
to hunting) whilst he had in his company the tender 
children and flocks with young^ which if over-driven 
one day^ wovM die ™; And though no doubt he him- 
self was foot-man enough to go along with his 
brother, yet he did lead on softly^ according as the 
cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our 
wise reformers reflected discreetly on the infirmities 
of people, long nouzled in ignorance and superstition, 
and incapable of a sudden and perfect alteration. 

Only two On this account, in the third injunction, they 
reduced candles (formerly sans number in churches) 
to two upon the high altar, before the sacrament : 
these being termed lights, shews they were not 
lumina cceca^ but burning. Know also that at this 
time there was an universal dilapidation of chancels, 
and men had seen so many abbey churches plucked 
down, that they even left parish churches to fall 

"*Gen. xxxiii. 13. 

lights left. 


CENT. x-VT. of Britain* 19 

down on themselves: now to repair them all at a. 0.1547. 
once would have stopped the holes in the chancels, _1—1 

meant by 

and made one in the states of the ministers. It was 
therefore in the sixteenth injunction ordered, that a 
fifth part of their means should be employed therein, 
whereby the work was effectually done without any 
great damage to the repairers. 

By memories appointed to be omitted, (injunction what 
xxi.,) we understand the obsequia for the dead, 
which some say succeeded in the place of the (hea- 
then) Roman parentalia. 

The abolishing processions is politicly put on aGoodpo- 
civil account, (injunction xxiii.,) to avoid contention ^' 
about places. Indeed people's pride herein consisted 
in pretended humility, which the injunction at large 
termeth a fond courtesy ; for in a mock practice of 
the apostle's precept, in honour preferring one an- 
other **, they strained courtesy to go last. Where, by 
the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place 
which was next the cross-bearer, or next the priest 
carrying the host. 

QiujB7'e9 whether in the xxivth injunction, labouring 
in time of harvest on holy ^ays and festivals relateth 
not only to those of ecclesiastical constitution, (as 
dedicated to saints,) or be inclusive of the Lord's 
day also ^. 

Mr. Calvin, in his letter to the lord protebtor p, Mr. Caivin 
disUketh the praying for the dead ; and this is one ^^'^ 

» Rom. xii. 12. do not occur in that letter, 
^ [It appears so from the though the subject of the re- 
practice at this time. See also mark does, (p. 167,) but in his 
The Appeal, &c. ii. §. 135. Col- letter addressed to the English 
lier, II. 226. Burnet, II. 59.] exiles at Frankfort. See his 
p [Epist. 87, p. 158, ed. Ge- irreverent letter to Coxe, Ep. 
nev. 1576, The offensive words 206.] 

c 2 


The Church History 


A. D. 154^ of those things which he termed tolerabiles ineptias^ 

'- englished by some, ** tolerable fooleries;" more mildly 

by others, "tolerable imfitnesses." In requital whereof, 
bishop Williams was wont to say, that master Calvin 
had his tolerabiles morositates X 
Moderation And thus moderately did our first reformers begin, 
^^^^'^ ^* as the subject they wrote on would give them leave ; 
for as careful mothers and nurses, on condition they 
can get their children to part with knives, are con- 
tented to let them play with rattles, so they per- 
mitted ignorant people still to retain some of their 
fond and foolish customs, that they might remove 
from them the most dangerous and destructive 

Come we now to give in a list of such principal 

^ [See his letter from Gene- 
va to Knox and Whittingham, 
the leaders of the dissenting 
party at Frankfort ; (Troubles 
at Frankfort, p. 35, Calv.Epist. 
200.) Calvin nowhere specifies 
what are these "tolerable foolish 
'* things ;*' and it appears that 
he knew nothing of the Book 
of Common Prayer, except 
from an imperfect abstract of 
it sent to him in Latin by John 
Knox. It is by no means 
unlikely that Calvin still felt 
some resentment for Cranmer's 
having declined his interfer- 
ence in matters of religion; 
for in this letter, speaking of 
Grindall, Haddon, Sands, and 
the rest of the convention at 
Strasburg, he says, " Where- 
'^ fore I would not have you" 
(Knox and the others) *' fierce 
*' over them, whose infirmity 
f* will not suffer to ascend an 
" higher step ; so would I 

" advertise other, that they 
** please not themselves too 
'* much in their foolishnesa 
" But I speak in vain to them 
** which perchance esteem me 
" not so well, as they will 
" vouchsafe to admit the coun- 
" sel that Cometh from such an 
" author." Knox and his party 
had sent Calvin a Latin ab- 
stract of the Book of Common 
Prayer; adding, with some- 
thing very like a falsehood, 
** that some of their country- 
" men went about to force 
" them to the same." The 
truth was, when this congrega- 
tion established themselves at 
Frankfort, they immediately 
joined the French church, and 
adopted their ceremonies ; and 
being desirous of some counte- 
nance for what they had done, 
they wrote to the churches in 
Zurich, Strasburg, and the rest, 
to come and join them.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 21 

books which m the reign of this king and his father, a. d. 1547. 

as preparatory to land introductive of reformation ; 1 

JJL^l^ high enough, ,e ^ hegm ^th 

Henry the Seventh. 

" Prayers printed by the Commandements of the 
" moost hye and vertuous Princesse our lyege Lady 
" Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Quene of England 
" and of France, and also of the right hye and moost 
" noble Princesse Margarett, mother to our sove- 
" raign Lord the King, &c." Without the year 
when printed. 

Henry the Eighth. 

" The Institution of a Christian Man ; contayneng 
" the Exposition or Interpretation of the Commune 
" Crede, of the Seaven Sacraments, of the Ten Com- 
" mandements, and of the Pater Noster, and the 
" Ave Maria, Justification and Purgatory." [Landing 
in adibiis Thomce Bertheleti^ regii impressorisy an. 
M.D.xxxvn. Cum privikgio. 4to. Reprinted at 
Oxford m 1825.] 

" A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any 
*' Christen Man, set ftirthe by the Kynges Majestic 
** of England, fee.** [Imprinted at London, in Fleet 
Street, by Thomas Barthelet, printer to the king's 
highness, the xxix. day of May, the year of our 
Lord M.D.XLIII. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum 
solum. By a colophon at the end of the book, it 
appears that this book was not to be sold above 
sixteen pence, bound in paper boards or clasps. Re- 
printed at Oxford in 1825.] 

" An epistle of the most mighty and redoubted 
" Prince Henry the VIII. by the grace of God, king 

c 3 

22 The €hurch History book vii. 

A. D. 1547. *< of England and of France, lord of Ireland, defender 

'- — '- " of the faith, and snpreme head of the Church of 

" England next under Christ, written to the Elmpe- 
" ror's majesty, to all Christian princes, and to all 
" those that truly and sincerely profess Christ*s reli- 
" gion." Londini in adibm Thom(B Bertheletiy regii 
impressoris. Excfus. anno M.D.xxxvin. Cum prim- 
hgio. 12mo. [Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany.] 

" A Protestation made for the most mighty and 
" most redoubted king of England, &c. and his hole 
" counsell and clergie, wherein is declared, that nei- 
" ther his highnesse, nor his prelates, neyther any 
" other prince or prelate is bound to come or send 
" to the pretended councell, that Paul bishop of 
** Rome, first by a bull indicted at Mantua, a citie 
" in Italy, and now alate by another bull, hath pro- 
" roged to a place no man can telle where." [Lon- 
dini in {edibtis ThomtB Bertheleti^ regii impressoris. 
Ea^cus. anno M.D.xxxvni. Cum privilegio. 12mo.] 

" Articles devised by the ICinges Highnes Majestic 
" to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge 
** us, and to avoyde contentious opinions, which 
" Articles be also approved by the consent and 
" determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme.*' 
London: Thomas Berthelet, 1536. [Reprinted at 
Oxford in 1825.] 

« Injunctions to the Clergie." 1536. M.Sc. 
[Printed in Wilkins, III. 813.] 

" Articles devised by the hoUe consent of the 
" Kinges most honourable Counsayle, His Graces 
" licence opteyned thereto, not only to exhorte, but 
^* also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the trouth.'* 
London : Thomas Berthelet. 1539. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain: 28 

" Orarium seu libellus Precationum per RedamAP. 1547. 

I £d VI 

" Majestatem et Clerum Latine editus. Ex officina — -! — 1 
'' Richard Graftoni." 1545. 

*^ Pia et Catbolica Christiani hominis institutio." 
Londini apud Thomam Berthelet, 1544. 

" Refonnatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex autho- 
** ritate primum Regis Henrici VIII. inchoata, deinde 
" per Regem Edwardum VI. provecta adauctaque 
" in hunc modum, atque nunc ad pleniorem ipsa- 
" rum reformationem in lucem edita ^*' Londini^ ew 
officina Johannis Daii, anno salutis humancs 1571, 
mense Aprili. 

Edward the Siwth, 

" Injunctions given by the most excellent prince^ 
" Edward the Sixt, by the grace of God, king of 
" England, France, and Ireland, defender of the 
" fayth, and in yearthe under Christ, of the church 

of England and of Ireland the supreeme hedde ; 

To all and singuler his loving subjects, aswell of 

the clergie as of the laietie." [Imprinted at Lon- 
don, the last day of July, in the first year of the 
reign of our sovereign lord king Edward the VI., 
by Richard Grafton, printer to his most royal majesty. 
Anno 1547. Cum privilegio^ &c. 4to *.] 

Articles to be enquired of in the Kynges Ma- 
jesties visitation.'* By Richard Grafton. Cum 
privilegio *. 

" The Order of the Communion, with the Procla- 

r [This book was reprinted ^[PrintedinWilkins.IV. 11, 
at London in 1640, in 4to. An and in Sparrow. Of the pub- 
excellent abstract of its con- licationof this book, see Strype^ 
tents is given by Collier in his Mem. II. 61.] 
Eccl. Hist. II. 326. See also * [See note, p. 12.] 

c 4 



The Church History 

BOOK Til. 

A, D. 1547. " mation," [Dated March 8.] London : by Richard 
Jiili- Grafton. 1548 «. 

** The Booke of the Common Prayer and Admi- 
^ nistration of the Sacraments, and other Rites ^nd 
" Ceremonies of the Church : after the Use of the 
" Church of England *." Londini^ in officina Eduardi 
Whitchurche. Cum privihgio ad imprimendum so- 
lum. Anno Dom. 1549^ mer^e Junii. FoL 

" Communion Book, translated into French for 
^Jersey and Gamesey/' 1558. 

" The forme and manner of making and conse- 
" crating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." 1549 and 

" The Copie of a Letter sent to all those Preachers 
** which the Kings Majestic hath licensed to preach, 
" from the Lord Protectors Grace, and other of the 
** Eanges Majesties most honourable Councell.*' The 
23d of May, 1548. [In Wilkins, IV. 27, and in 
Burnet, II. App. 130.] 

" Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplines sum- 
*^ mam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate 
** Regia commendatus y." Londin% 1553. 

" Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552, 
^* ad toUendam opinionum dissensionem et consen- 
" sum verae religionis firmandum, inter Episcopos et 
** alios erudites atque pios viros convenerat : Regia 

^ [Twice printed in 1647. 
See note, p. 603.] 

^ [Many different editions 
of this book were printed be- 
tween the years 1549 and 
1552, when the Revision was 
put out.] 

y [Of this Catechism, which 
has been attributed to Nowell, 

but now is more generally 
thought to have been written 
by Poinet, successively bishop 
of Rochester and Winchester, 
see the Prefece to Nowell's Ca- 
techism, (Oxford, 1835,) p. 25. 
An English translation of it 
was printed the same year as 
the original Latin.] 


of Britain. 


** similitjer authoritate promulgati." Londini. [In a. 0.1547. 
Wilkins, IV. 78.] j^Ed^ 

** The Primer or Booke of Prayers," translated ont 
of Henry VIII.'s Orarium. London: by Richard 
Grafton, 1547. 

" Certain Sermons or Homilies, [viz. the first part 
" of the Church Homilies,] appointed by the Kinges 
" Majestie to be declared and read by all Parsons, 
" Vicars, or Curates, everie Sonday, in their churches 
" where they have cure.'* Imprinted at London, in 
Fleet Street, at the sign of the Lion over against 
the Conduit, by Edward Whitchurche, the xxth 
day of August, in the year of our Lord 1547. Cum 
privilegio^ &c. 4to. 

" A Primer or Booke of private Prayer, &c. in the 
" 7 yeare of Ed. VI." Ea; qfficina Wilhelmi Seres, 


Queen Mary. 

" The Primer in Latin and English, after the use 
** of Sarum." London, 1555. 

** Edm. Bonners Catechisme, 1555, with Homelies 
** composed by H. Pendleton and Jo. Harpesfield." 
London, 1555 '. 

These are the principal state-books which that 
age produced, not mentioning such (as numberless) 

' [In imitation of the king's 
book, called ** A Necessary 
'* Doctrine, &c." Bonner put 
forth a book, treating of the 
same subjects and in the same 
order, with the following title: 
•' A Profitable and Necessary 
•• Doctrine, with certain Ho- 
**' milies adjoined thereunto, set 
*' forth by the reverend Father 

'* in God, Edmunde Bishop of 
*' London, for the Instruction 
and Information of the People 
living within his Diocese of 
** London, and of his Cure and 
" Charge. Excusum Londini 
'* in sedibus Johannis Cawodi, 
Typographi regi» Majesta- 
tis." 4to. No date.] 






The Church History 


A. D. 1547. which private persons set forth; only I cannot as 

1 ! Lyet recover the lord CromwelPs Catechisme, except 

it be concealed under another name, amongst the 
books aforementioned. 

4. Come we now to the Liturgy, which in the 
reign of king Henry the Eighth was said or sung all 
in Latin, save only the Creed, Paternoster, and Ten 
Commandments, put into English by the king's com- 
mand, anno 1536 *. Nine years after, viz. 1545, the 
Litany was permitted in English ; and this was the 
farthest pace which the Reformation stepped in the 
reign of king Henry the Eighth. But under his 
son, king Edward the Sixth, a new form of divine 
worship was set forth in the vulgar tongue, which 
passed a threefold purgation ^. 

* [See Cromwell's Injunc- 
tions, published that year. 
Burnet, Ref. I. p. 452.] 

^ [In this Fuller is mistaken, 
confounding the Order for the 
Administration of the Commu- 
nion, which was first put out 
in 1547, with the first Com- 
mon Prayer Book of 1549. 
His error was corrected by 
Dr. Heylin, in the Appeal, §. 
136, who observes that in the 
first parliament of this king 
there passed a statute ( i Edw. 
VI. c. I .) entitled, " An Act 
'* against such as speak against 
'* the Sacrament of the Altar, 
** and for the Receipt thereof 
" in both kinds." *' Upon the 
'* coming out whereof, the king 
*' being no less desirous," as 
Fox relates it, " to have the 
*' form of administration of the 
" sacrament reduced to the 
** right rule of the scriptures 
" and first use of the primitive 
** church, than he was to esta- 

" blish the same by authoritj 
" of his own regal acts, ap- 
*' pointed certain of the most 
" grave and learned bishops to 
" assemble together at his cas- 
" tie of Windsor, there to 
" argue and entreat of this 
** matter, and conclude upon 
*' and set forth one perfect and 
" uniform order, according to 
" the rule and use aforesaid, 
" which book was printed and 
" set out March 8th, 1548," 
(which is 1547 according to 
the account of the church of 
England.) *' The Liturgy came 
** not out till near two years 
" after." The two prayer-books 
of Edward VI. have been re- 
printed lately at Oxford, with 
a learned preface by Dr. Card- 
well. An account of their com- 
pilation, with a breviate of their 
contents, will also be found in 
Downe's edition of Sparrow's 
Rationale, App. p. cl., p. clxxix., 
and p. cxcvii.] 


of Britain. 


The first Edition of the Liturgy or 
Common Prayer ; [rather^ cf the 
Communion Service^,'] 

In the first year of king Edward 
the Sixth, it was recommended to 
the care of the most grave bishops 
and others, (assembled by the king 
at his castle at Windsor,) and when 
by them completed, set forth in 
print, 1 548, with a proclamation in 
the king*s name to give authority 
thereunto; being also recommended 
unto every bishop, by especial let- 
ters from the lords of the council c, 
to see the same put in execution. 
And in the next year a penalty was 
imposed by act of parliament on 
such who should deprave or n^- 
lect the use thereof d. 

Persons employed therein g. 

1. Thomas Granmer, archbishop 
of Canterbury. 

2. George Bay, bishop of Chi- 

3. Thomas Goodrich, bishop of 

4. John Skip, bishop of Here- 

5. Henry Holbeach, bishop of 

6. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Ro- 

7. Thomas Thirlby, bishop of 

8. Doctor May, dean of St. PauPs. 

9. John Taylor, then dean (after- 
wards bishop) of Lincoln [May 10, 

10. Doctor Haines, dean of Exeter. 

11. Doctor Robertson, afterwards 
dean of Durham. 

12. Doctor John Redmayne, mas- 
ter of Trinity College in Cam- 

13. Doctor Richard Cox, then 
almoner to the king, afterwards 
bishop of Ely. 

The second Edition 
of the Liturgy or 
Common Prayer, 

Some exceptions 
being taken by 
Mr. Calvin abroad 
and some zealots 
at home, at the 
former Liturgy, 
the book was 
brought under a 
review, and by a 
statute in parlia- 
ment e it was ap- 
pointed. That it 
should be faith- 
fully and godly 
perused, explained, 
and made fully 
perfect f: 

Persons employed 

We meet not 
with their parti- 
cular names, but 
may probably con- 
ceive they were 
the same with the 
former, for the 
main, though 
some might l>e 
superadded by 
royal appoint- 

The third Edition 
of the Liturgy or' 
Common Prayer, 

In the first of 
queen Elizabeth, 
1559, it was com- 
mitted by the 
queen to the care 
of some learned 
men, by whom it 
was altered in 
some few passages, 
and so presented 
to the parliament, 
and by them re- 
ceived and esta- 

Persons employed 

head, once chap- 
lain to queen Anna 

2. Matthew Par- 
ker, afterwards 
archbishop of Can- 

3. Edmund Grin- 
dall, afterwards 
bishop of London. 

4. Richard Cox, 
afterwards bishop 
of Ely. 

ton, afterwards 
bishop of Durham . 

6. Doctor May, 
dean of St. Paurs, 
and master of Tri- 
nity College in 

7. Sir Thomas 
Smith, principal 
secretivry of estate. 

8. [Dr. Bill, dean 
of Westminster.] 

A.D. ij;4> 
I Ed.VL 

^ [Strype, Mem. II. 83.] 

c See the form of them in 
Fox, II. 661. 

d [Burnet, II. 147.] 

e 5 and 6 of Edward the 
Sixth, cap. I. [a. D. 1552.] 

^ [See above, p. 24. Burnet, 
II. 319, 349. Stow, 608.] 

& [Strype appears to doubt 
of the correctness of this list. 
See his Mem. II. 85, 302.] 

h [King Edward's Journ.76.] 


The Church History 

BOOK vn. 

A.D. 1547. As for the fourth and last edition of the Latursr, 

in the first of king James, 1603, with some small 

alterations in the rubric, after the conference at 
Hampton Court, thereof (God willing) in due time 

5. The book of books still remains : I mean the 
Bible itself. Know then that some exceptions being 
taken at Tindal's translation, the bishops (then gene- 
rally popish) complied so far in a conference with 
the desires of king Henry the Eighth \ that on con- 
dition the people would give in Tindal's pretended 
false translation, they would set forth another, better 
agreeing with the original ; and although this took 
up some time to effect, (the work being great in 
itself, and few workmen as yet masters of the mys- 
tery of printing,) yet at last it was accomplished, but 
more purely and perfectly done in after ages, bjs by 
the ensuing parallels will appear. 

The first Translation of the 

Set forth in the reign of 
king Henry the Eighth, anno 
1 541, countenanced with a 
grave and pious preface of 
archbishop Cranmer, and au- 
thorized by the king^s procla- 
mation, dated May the 6th. 
Seconded also with instruc- 
tions from the king ^^ to pre- 
pare people to receive benefit 
the better from so heavenly a 
treasure, it was called The 
Bible of the greater Volume, 
rather commended than com- 
manded to people. Few coun- 
try parishes could go to the 
cost of them, though bishop 
Bonner caused six of them to 
be chained in the church of 
St. PauFsjin convenient places. 

The second Transla- 
tion of the Bible, 

Set forth in the 
reign of king Ed- 
ward the Sixtib, and 
not only suffered to 
be read by particular 
persons, but ordered 
to be read over yearly 
in the congr^^tion, 
as a principal part of 
divine service. Two 
several editions I 
have seen thereof; 
one set forth ]549» 
the other 1551, but 
neither of Uiem di- 
vided into verses. 

The third Translation 
of the Bible. 

Set forth in the 
second of queen Eli- 
zabeth. The last 
translation was again 
reviewed by some of 
the most learned 
bishops, (appointed 
thereunto by the 
queen's coomussion,) 
whence it took the 
name of the Bishops* 
Bible; and by the 
queen's sole com- 
mandment reprinted, 
and left free and 
open to all her well- 
affected subjects. 

i Set down at large in the ^ Extant in sir Thomas Cot- 
Register of arch bishop Warham. ton's library. 


of Britain. 


As for the last and best translation of the Bible, a. d. 1547. 
in the reign of king James, by a select company of JJ^iZL. 
divines employed therein, in due time (by God's 
assistance) largely thereof. 

6. And now we shall come to small game, rather 
than shut out ; not caring how low we descend, so 
be it we may satisfy the reader and inform posterity, 
presenting a catalogue of such proclamations which 
the king set forth in the four first years, having any 
tendency or relation to ecclesiastical matters \ 
i. *' A Proclamation concerning the effectuall pay- 
ment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Aug- 
mentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c.,*' which 
it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1 Edvardi 
Sea^ti, Septem. 18. 

ii. " A Proclamation concerning the irreverent 
" Talkers of the Sacrament ^ ;" for, after the Tran- 



' [All these proclamations, 
with the rest passed in the first 
four years of this reign, were 
published by "Richard Grafton, 
* • printer to the king's majesty/' 
in 1550. i2mo. Cum privilegio 
ad imprimendum solum. These 
here printed are corrected from 
a copy of that book in the 
library of Queen's College, Ox- 
ford. I mention this, as Bur- 
net doubts the authenticity of 
the 6th, and certainly never 
saw, as neither did Strype, the 
5th. Burnet, II. 167.] 

m [Printed at length in Wil- 
kins, IV. 18. Strype's Mem. 
II. 14, App. This was in con- 
formity with an act passed at 
this time touching the commu- 
nion ; i)i the preamble to which 
it is stated that the holy sacra- 
ment *' having been of late mar- 

" vellously abused, some had 
" been thereby brought to a 
" contempt of it, which they 
'* had expressed in sermons, 
** discourses, and songs, in 
*' words not Jit to be repeated" 
See Burnet, II. 84. Authentic 
Coll. of the Stat. IV. ii. p. 2. 
This was a most seasonable en- 
actment ; for the disputes upon 
this holy subject, even among 
divines, were extremely irre- 
verent, and had degenerated 
almost into profanity: for 
many, as the proclamation it- 
self expresses it, " not con- 
'* tented with such words and 
" terms as scripture doth de- 
" clare thereof, do not cease to 
" move contentious and super- 
" fluous questions of the said 
" holy sacrament and supper of 
'* the Lord ; entering rashly 


The Church History 


A. D. 1547. substantiation and the superstition of the Corpo- 

'- — - rail Presence was removed, many persons (no lesse 

ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to con- 
temning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by 
this Proclamation. Set forth 1 Edvardi Sewti, 
Decem. 27. 

'' into the discussing of the 
" high mystery thereof, and go 
" about in their sermons or 
'' talks arrogantly to define 
•' the manner, nature, fashion, 
" ways, possibility or impos- 
'* sibility of those matters, 
^' which neither make to edifi- 
** cation, nor God hath by his 
'* holy word opened." It then 
proceeds to detail what some 
of those questions were ; as, 
" Whether the body and blood 
" aforesaid is there really or 
•* figuratively, locally or cir- 
" cumscriptly, and having quan- 
" tity and greatness, or but 
'* substantially and by substance 
** only, or else but in a figure 

and manner of speaking; 

whether his blessed body be 
" there, head, legs, arms, toes 
** and nails, or any other ways, 
*' shape, and manner, naked or 
" clothed ; whether he is broken 
*' or chewed, or he is always 


•* whole ; whether the bread 
** there remaineth as we see, 
*' or how it departeth ; whether 
'^ the flesh be there alone and 
** the blood, or part or each in 
'* other, or in the one both, in 
'* the other but only blood, and 
" what blood ; that only which 
*' did flow out of the side, or 
" that which remained : with 
•^ other such irreverent, super- 
'* fluous, and curious questions, 
** which of human and corrupt 



" curiosity hath desire to search 
'* out such mysteries, to the 
'^ which our human imbecility 
'* cannot attain ; and therefore 
'^ ofttimes tumeth the same 
" to their own and others* de- 
" struction by contention and 
" arrogant rashness." Some of 
the questions were of much 
more irreverent a nature than 
here mentioned, as may be seen 
in many places in Fox, and in 
Strype, Mem. II. 69^ 80 ; and 
these were the engrossing ob- 
jects of discussion, not merely 
in churches, but in markets 
and alehouses : religious sub- 
jects supplying that excitement 
which politics did afterwards, 
and, like all religious excite- 
ment, rapidly sinking into irre- 
ligion and infidelity. 

Indeed it may reasonably be 
doubted if there is any era in 
our history when there was less 
real religious feeling than at 
this time. If the superstition 
of the previous times was bad, 
the irreverence of these was 
not a whit better. '• There 
*' ben some," says archbishop 
Craumer in the preface to his 
Bible, using the words of Gre- 
gory of Nazianzen in applica- 
tion to his own times, " whose 
** not only ears and tongues, 
*^ but also their fists, keen 
" whetted and ready bent all 
'* to contention and unprofit- 


of Britain. 


iii, " A Proclamation for the abstaining: from flesh a. d. 1547. 

f VA VT 

"in the Lent- time. Anno 1 Edvardi SeMu Ja- '. L 

« nuarii 16 °." 

iv. " A Proclamation against such as innovate any 
" Ceremony, or preach without licence. Anno 2 
" Edvardi SeMi, Febr. 6 «." 

V. " A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers. Anno 
" 2 Edvardi Sexti^ April 24." Whereof this was 
the occasion : certain popish preachers, disaffected 
to the king's government, endeavoured in their 
sermons to possess people of scandalous reports 
against the king, as if he intended to lay strange 
exactions on the people, and to demand half-a-crown 
a-piece of every one who should be married, chris- 
tened, or buried. To prevent further mischief, the 
king ordered by proclamation, that none should 
preach except licensed under the seals of the lord 
protector or archbishop of Canterbury p. 

vi. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all 
" Preachers : the second of Edward the Sixth. 
'^ Sept. 23." 

Because this proclamation is short, hard to be 

** able disputation ; whom I 
** would wish, as they been 
" vehement and earnest to rea- 
" son the matter with tongue, 
" so they were also ready and 
" practice to do good deeds. 
But forasmuch as they, sub- 
verting the order of all god- 
liness, have respect only to 
this thing, how they may 
bind and loose subtle ques- 
tions ; so that now every 
*' market-place, every alehouse 
" and tavern, every feast-house, 
'* briefly every company of 






" men, every assembly of wo- 
•• men, is filled with such talk." 
'* Our faith and holy religion 
" of Christ beginneth to wax 
** nothing else but as it were a 
" sophistry or talking craft." 
Cranmer's Remains, II. 113.] 

n [At length in Wilkins, IV. 
20 ; and in Strype's Mem. II. 
82, and App. 44.] 

o [At length in Wilkins, IV. 
21. Burnet, II. 185. Strype, 
Mem. II. App. 46.] 

P [See a short abstract of it 
in Strype, Mem. II. 90.] 

32 The Church History book tii. 

A.D. 1548. come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to 

'• — l acquaint us with the character of those times, it may 

be acceptable here to exemplify the same : 

" Whereas of late, by reason of certaine contro- 
" versions and seditious preachers, the kinges majes- 
" tie, moved of tender zeale and love, which he hath 
" to the quiet of his subjects, by the advise of the 
lord protectour, and other his highnesse councell, 
hath by proclamation inhibited and commanded, 
** That no manner of person, except such as was 
" licenced by his highnesse the lord protectour, or 
" by the archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon 
** him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in 
^^ the said proclamation contained ; and that upon 
'* hope and esperance, that those being chosen and 
" elect men, should preach and set forth onely to the 
" people such things as should be to Gods honour 
^^ and the benefit of the kinges majesties subjects. 
" Yet neverthelesse his highnesse is advertised, that 
" certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not 
" regarding such good admonitions as hath been by 
" the said lord protectour and the rest of the coun- 
" cell on his majesties behalf by letters, or otherwise 
" given imto them, hath abused the said authority of 
" preaching, and behaved themselves irreverently, 
" and without good order in the said preachings, 
" contrary to such good instructions and advertise- 
" ments as was given unto them, whereby much 
" contention and disorder might rise and insue in 
" this his majesties realm : wherefore his highnesse, 
" minding to see very shortly one uniforme order 
" throughout this his realm, and to put an end of 
" all controversies in religion, so farre as God shall 
" give grace, (for which cause, at this time, certain 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 33 

'' bishops and notable learned men b; his highne8seA.D.i548. 

" commandement are congregate,) hath by th' advise ^ 

*^ aforesaid thought good, although certain and many 

" of the said preachers so before licenced have be- 

" haved themself very discretly and wisely, and to 

^^ the honor of God and his highnesse contentation, 

^^ yet at this present, and imtill such time that the 

" said order shall be set forth generally throughout 

^' this his majesties realme, to inhibit, and by these 

" presents doth Inhibit generally, as well the said 

" preachers so before licenced, as all manner of per- 

^ sons, whosoever they be, to preach in open audience 

" in the pulpit or otherwise, by any sought colour or 

** fraud, to the disobeying of this commandement, to 

" the intent that the whole clergie in this mean 

" space might apply themself to prayer to Almighty 

" God, for the better atchieving of the same most 

" godly intent and purpose, not doubting but that 

" also his loving subjects in the mean time will 

" occupie themself to Gods honour, with due 

" prayer in the church, and patient hearing of the 

*^ godly homelies, heretofore set forth by his high- 

*^ nesse injunctions unto them, and so endevour 

" themself, that they may be the more ready with 

" thankefull obedience to receive a most quiet, godly, 

*^ and uniform order, to be had throughout all his 

" said realms and dominions. And therefore hath 

"willed all his loving officers and ministers, as well 

"justices of peace, as majors, sheriffs, bailiffs, con- 

" stables, or any other his officers, of what estate, 

" degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant 

" upon this proclamation and commandement, and 

"to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be 

" imprisoned ; and his highnesse, or the lord pro- 



The Church History 


A panic 



A. D. 1548." tectors grace, or his majesties counceU, to be oer- 

'• — L" tified thereof immediately, as they tender his 

" majesties pleasure, and will answer to the contraiy 
" at their perill." 

16. Some preachers, perusing the aforesaid pro- 
clamation, will complain of persecution, that all the 
pulpits in England should he universally silenced at 
once, and will conclude it summum JuSy That ike 
righteom should be condemned with the wicked ; the 
mouths of good ministers stopped with railers. Well 
might the souls of weak Christians be faint and 
feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold homilies 
allowed them. But statesmen easily excuse the 
matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when 
many popish pulpits sounded the alarum to Kett his 
rebellion and the Devonshire commotion, whereof 
hereafter. Besides, this prohibition of preaching 
lasted but for few weeks ; and we read of a silence 
for about the space of half an hour ^ even in heaven 

Q Rev. viii. i. 

r [The object of this prohi- 
bition was to appease in some 
degree the feverish excitement 
of the nation, now raised to a 
great height by the contro- 
versies they heard so variously 
agitated in the pulpits, and to 
encourage such as favoured the 
Reformation, who easily ob- 
tained licenses to preach. For 
this purpose also it was required 
that no bishops should preach 
elsewhere than in their cathe- 
drals ; " and that all other cler- 
gymen should not preach but 
in their collegiate or paro- 
chial churches, unless they 
^' obtained a special license 




** from the king to that effect" 
Burnet, II. 53, 125. See also 
the letter sent by the council 
to such as had licenses to 
preach. Burnet, II. ii. 1 89. Wil- 
kins, iv. 27. The reader will 
smile at the epithet here ap* 
plied to the homilies of the I 
church of England, which, 
compared with the overheated 
political tirades of the timei 
(for sermons they were not,) 
would doubtless appear odd 
and formal. They were fflifa 
disrelished by the extremes d 
all parties, though highly e8> 
teemed by Bucer, Ridley, and 
others. See Strype's Mem. II 


of Britain. 


vii. " A Proclamation for the payment of the late a. d. 1548. 

t EH VT 

" incumbents of CoUedges and Chanteries, lately dis '• — '- 

" solved. Anno 2 Edvardi Sexti^ Octob. 31." 

17. The pulpit thus shut and silent by proclama- a procia- 
tion, the stage was the more open and vocal for the ll^nsi 
same; the popish priests, which, though unseen, ^'^^"P^y^ 
stood behind the hanging, or lurked in the tiring 
house, removed their invectives from sermons to 
plays, and a more proper place indeed for the venting 
thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the new 
religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the 
prime patrons thereof, which caused the ensuing 
proclamation for the prohibition *. 

viii. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of 
" Players. Anno 3 Edvardi F/." Aug. 6. And 
some perchance will not grudge the time to read 
the form thereof: 

" Forasmuch as a great number of those that be 
" common players of enterludes and plaies, as well 

8 QBishop Gardiner^ in his 
letters to the protector, makes 
great complaints against the 
players. See Fox, II. 716, and 
Tytler's Collection, I. 21, in 
which he complains that while 
he and the parishioners of his 
parish in the borough of South- 
wark had resolved on having a 
solemn dirge for the king, who 
was as yet unburied, certain 
players belonging to lord Ox- 
ford had on that agreed to open 
their theatre. So that it is 
probable that the stage was 
directed, not against the Re- 
formation, but against popery. 
Indeed this is still more clear 
from the complaints of many 
zealous reformers, and the au- 

thor of the treatise, " A Con- 
•' futation of unwritten Veri- 
** ties/' published among Cran- 
mer's Remains. Comparing the 
different states of the gospel 
under Edward VI. and queen 
Mary, in whose reign he wrote, 
he observes : " God's word at that 
" time (in Edward's reign) had 
" the prize and bare the bell 
** away throughout the whole 
" land. With that were all 
" pulpits filled, churches gar- 
" nished, printers' shops fur- 
" nished, and every man's house 
** decked. With God's word 
" was every man's mouth occu- 
" pied ; of that were all songs, 
" interludes, and plains made J* 
Cranmer's Remains, IV. 152.] 

D 2 

36 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. i549.« witliin the city of London as elswhere, within the 

" realm, doe for the most part play such interludes 

^^ as contain matter tending to sedition, and con- 
" temning of sundry good orders and laws ; where- 
" upon are grown, and daily are like to grow and 
^ ensue, much disquiet, division, tumults, and uprores 
*^ in this realm : the kings majestie, by the advise 
" and consent of his dear€ist uncle, Edward duke of 
" Somerset, govemour of his person, and protectour 
*' of his realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest 
" of his highnesse privie councell, straitly chargeth 
*' and commandeth all and every his majesties sub- 
" jects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, 
" that from the ninth day of this present month of 
" August, untill the feast of All Saints next com- 
" ming, they, nor any of them, openly or secretly 
" play in the English tongue any kinde of interlude, 
" play, dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form 
" of play, in any place, publick or private, within this 
** realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in 
" English any such play, interlude, dialogue, or other 
" matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further pu- 
" nishment, at the pleasure of his majestie. 

" For the better execution whereof, his majesty, 
** by the said advise and consent, straitly chargetii 
" and commandeth all and singular majors, sheriffi, 
" bailiffs, constables, headboroughs, tything-men, jus- 
" tices of peace, and all other his majesties head 
" officers, in all the parts throughout the realm, to 
" give order and speciall heed, that this proclama* 
^* tion be in all behalfs well and truly kept and 
" observed, as they and every of them tender hi 
" highnesse pleasure, and will avoid his indignation. 

CENT. XVI. ofBrUain. 37 

18. The proclamation, being but temporary, didA.D. i549« 

not take down, but only clear the stage for a time ; '- — - 

reformed interludes, as they term them, being after- 
ward permitted ; yea, in the first of queen Elizabeth, 
scripture-plays were acted even in the church itself, 
which in my opinion the more pious the more pro- 
fane ; stooping faith to fancy, and abating the ma- 
jesty of God's word. Such pageants might inform, 
not edify, though indulged the ignorance of that 
age ; for, though children may be played into learn- 
ing, all must be wrought into religion by ordinances 
of divine institutions, and the means ought to be as 
serious as the end is secret. 

" Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem. 
" Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex 
" certa scientia et mero motu nostris dedimus et 
*' concessimus ac per prsesentes damns et concedimus 
" dilecto servienti nostro Thomse Bartlielet impres- 
*' son nostro quandam annuitatem sive quondam 
" annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, 
" habendum et annuatim percipiendum praedictam 
** annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor libra- 
** rum eidem Thomse Barthelet a Festo Paschae, 
Anno Regni nostri vicesimo prime, durante vita 
sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii 
nostri per manus Thesaurarum et Camerarii nos- 
" trorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa 
Sancti Michaelis Archangeli et Paschae per equales 
portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c. 
" In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westmin- 
steriensem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno 
" Regni Henrici Octavi vicesimo prime. 

" Per Breve de private Sigillo." 





The Church History 


A. D. 1549. 19. An ample commission was granted to John 
-i ^Dudley, earl of Warwick*, and eight more; any 

Sr^**"*!*- ^^^^y s^^» fi^^^j iowy three, two, or one of them, to 
formed of yisit in capite et memhris the whole diocese, but 

all its an- 

dent ma. especially the university of Oxford. The eflFects of 
nuscnp ^j^.^ visitation do not appear, save only that they so 
clearly purged the university from all monuments of 
superstition, that they left not one book of many 
goodly manuscripts wherewith it was furnished by 
the mimificence of several benefactors. Thus covet- 
ousness and ambition are such active vices, they 
are seldom off the theatre, though not appearing 
"dth their own faces, but the borrowed masks of 
public good of church or state. Such robbers de- 
serve not the benefit of the clergy, to be saved by 
their book, who feloniously (not to say sacrilegiously) 
purloined a public library from an university. 

20. The blame is commonly cast on doctor Coxe, 
who, as one saith, (but it is but one who saith it,) 
being then chancellor of the university, so cancelled 

Loth to 

s [This earl was the son of 
the celebrated Edmund Dudley, 
who, like Cromwell^ having lent 
himself as a willing instrument 
to royal extortion, met with the 
due reward of a corrupt minis- 
ter, losing his head at the bid- 
ding of the king. His attain- 
der, however, having been re- 
versed in 1 5 1 1 , his son (created 
afterwards earl of Northumber- 
land) succeeded to his father's 
estate, and with it his father's 
disposition. Inspired with the 
zeal of reformation^ and warmed 
with disinterested affection to- 
wards the welfare of the church, 
he took the most effectual means 

to purge it of both property and 
corruption ; and feelingly alive 
to the temptation of riches^ and 
the vices which they engender, 
relieved the church of both, by 
taking both into his own safie 
keeping. In this only lie was 
unhappy, that whilst he set 
others so notable an example, 
with all the inclination, he left 
them not the means to follow 
him. We may thus understand 
the motives which made him 
" so frequent, incessant, and 
•* importunate/* as Mr. Tytler 
describes him, in his applica 
tions to the protector and to 
the secretary of state."] 


of Britain. 


the books thereof, they could never since recover a. d. 1549. 

them *. Indeed I find another author chargmg him 1 L-1 

therewith ^, but with this parenthesis (" *tis said*') ; 
and my charity would fain believe fame a fiilse report 
therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, 
very well qualified ; and it is strange to me, that he 
who at this present was the king's almoner, to dis- 
pense his charity in giving to others, should be so 
crael and covetous, and to deprive an university of 
so precious a treasure so long and justly belonging 
unto them. 

21. The king's afiairs, both ecclesiastical and civil, An «>ide. 
stood now in a probable posture of success, gliding temper of 
on with a fair and fiill current; when both on a ^^' 
sudden were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical 
dissensions of his own subjects : distempers not con- 
siderable, if singly considered in themselves, but 
very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in 
several counties at one instant were acted with the 
same spirit of rebellion. My author imputeth it to 
Midsummer-moon, and the sun now in Cancer; 
though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause^ as 
will appear to the perusers of these two contempo- 
rary treasons. 

^ Sir John Harrington, in 
the list of the bishops of Ely. 
[Works, ii. 1x0.] 

" In his preface to the Life 
of sir John Cheke> printed at 
Oxford, at the beginning of 
sir John Cheke's " True Sub- 
"ject to the RebeV 164 1. 

The- preface and the Life of 
sir J. Cheke, prefixed to this 
pamphlet, are stated to have 
been written by the celebrated 
Dr. Gerard Langbaine» provost 
of Queen's College, Oxford. 
See Wood's Ath. II. 220.] 

D 4 


Tlie Church History 


A. D. 1549. 
3 Ed. VI. 

Devon Commotion ^. 

I. It began on Whitsun- 

The b^. Monday, at Stampford-Court- 
nmg of two •' * 


» [The most correct accoant 
of the rebellion in Devonshire 
is that by John Hooker, cham- 
berlain of Exeter, vi^ho was, as 
he describes himself, " testis 
'* oculatus of things there 
** done.'* This account is closely 
followed and abbreviated by 
Fuller, and is printed at length 
in Holinshed, 1014.] 

7 [Of the commotions in 
Norfolk a full and accurate 
description was penned in La- 
tin, at the desire of archbishop 
Parker, by Alexander Neville, 
at one time an inmate of the 
archbishop's house. The writer, 
as well as his patron, was a 
native of Norwich, and proba- 
bly an eyemtness of thf facts 
which he narrates. This book 
was first published in 1575, the 
same year in which the arch, 
bishop died, and again in 1582, 
on account of the elegance of 
its Latinity, with a view to its 
being used as a schooLbook. 
The dedication to the arch- 
bishop, and the lines on his 
death, prefixed to this work by 
the author, have been reprint- 
ed, though very incorrectly, by 
Strype in his Life of Parker, 
499, 502, App. 193. Of this 
work an almost literal version, 
but somewhat epitomized, is 
given by Holinshed, 1028. 

The direct occasion of these 
troubles, which were near being 
general throughout England, 
took its origin from the land- 
lords converting large portions 

Norfolk RebeUion 7. 

I. It b^an about the aotk 
of June, at Atilboroagh, about 

of their arable lands into pas- 
turage, throwing together the 
small farms, raising the rents 
of such as remained^ and en- 
closing the public lands. This 
was carried to such an alarm- 
ing extent, and had given rise 
to so much clamour and dis- 
order, that upon the ist June, 
1548, a commission was 1^ 
pointed to inquire into thcie 
grievances, and a prodamatioo 
issued at the same time that 
all his majesty's loTing sabj^ets 
should give notice where soeii 
offences existed to the commis. 
sioners. (See them exemplified 
in Strype's Mem. II. 92, App. 
47.) But by the influence luu 
arts of those against whom this 
commission was directed, its 
efforts were frustrated, and the 
proclamation neglected. Upon 
which, *' the unadvised people, 
" presuming upon this prochu 
" mation, thinking they should 
" be borne out by theih thst 
" had set it forth, rashly with- 
" out order took upon them 
*' to redress the matter.'* Ho- 
linshed, 1002. And particu- 
larly the disaffected in Norfolk, 
who had emissaries in sevend 
counties, hearing upon some 
uncertain rumour that the en- 
closures in Kent had been re- 
moved, and imagining that the 
same justice was denied to 
them, rose at Wymondham, a 
village about nine miles from 
Norwich, and compelled Kett, 
who had himself enclosed oer. 


of Britain. 


ney ^^ where the people tumul. 
tuously compelled the priest 
(whose secret compliance is 
suspected by some covertly to 
court their compulsion) to say 
mass^ and officiate in Latin, as 
best pleased with what they 
least understood. 

2. Humphrey Arundell, es- 
quire, governor of the Mount 
in Cornwall, (one whose abili- 
ties might have been better 
employed,) Winslande, a man 
of worship^ and one Coffin, a 
gentleman, were their principal 
conductors. Otherwise (though 
assuming to themselves the 
high style of the commons of 
Devonshire and Cornwall) they 
were but a heap of mean me*- 
chanics, though many in num- 
ber, and daily increasing; so 
that at last they were reputed 
to exceed ten thousand, all 
stout and able persons. 

3. Sir Pierce Courtenay, she- 
riff of Devonshire, appeared 
very loyal and active for their 
seasonable suppressing ; but 
others of the county gentry. 

the laying open of Commons, A. D. i«;49. 
pretended lately enclosed tn 
the prejudice of the poor ; much 
increased on the 6th of July at 
Windham Play, where there 
was a great confluence of idle 
people repairing from all parts 
of the county. 

2. Robert Kett, tanner of Their ring- 
Windham, (one of more wealth numbS-."* 
than common folk of his craft, 

yet of more wit than wealth, 
confidence than either,) was 
chosen their captain. He, with 
two assistants chosen out of 
every hundred, kept his king's 
bench, chancery, and all other 
courts under a tree, termed 
the Oak of Reformation ; where 
he did justice, be it wrong or 
right, to all such as were sum. 
moned before him. In short 
time they increased to be more 
than twenty thousand. 

3. Sir Edmund Windham, The she- 
sheriff of Norfolk, commanded ^'« «"" 

. deavours 

them in the king's name peace- succeed not. 
ably to depart; but had not 
his horsemanship been better 

tain of the public lands, to 
throw down his enclosures and 
join them. This man, possessed 
of a bold spirit, and being of 
great courage and conduct, 
would have graced a better 
cause, and prevented his fol- 
lowers from committing many 
cruelties. Stow describes him 
as " one who might dispend in 
" lands fifty pound by year, 

'* and was worth in movables 
** about a thousand marks," 

(5970 ^ ^*^g® fortune for those 
days. For a fuller account of 
these tumults, of their origin, 
and what was done to suppress 
them, see Burnet, II. 234. 
Strype's Mem. II. 166, 174.] 

z [About sixteen miles from 


The Church History 


A.D. 1549. 
3 Ed. VI. 

The de- 
scription of 
Exeter and 

The rebels 
send proud 
demands to 
the king. 

(whose names I had rather the 
reader should learn from mj 
author's pen than mine own^) 
by their privy connivance, and 
in effect concurrence, much 
advantaged their proceedings. 
Many were taken prisoners by 
them, because they would be 
taken, and found favour there- 
upon. And now the seditious 
march in a full body to Exeter; 
and on the citizens' refusal to 
admit them in, resolve suddenly 
to besiege it, boasting they 
would shortly measure the silks 
and satins therein by the length 
of their bows. 

4. Exeter is a round city on 
a rising hill, most capable of 
fortification both for the site 
and form thereof. Her walls 
(though of the .old edition) 
were competently strong and 
well repaired. John Blackaller, 
major of Exeter, though a mere 
merchant, little skilled in poli- 
tic, less in military affairs, had 
wisdom to know who were 
wiser than himself, and wil- 
lingly to be directed by them. 
And now the seditious, having 
taken the ordinance at Tops- 
ham, set down before Exeter, 
presuming quickly to conquer 
the same. 

5. But first they are con- 
sulting about articles to be 

than his rhetoric, lumaelf had 
not departed the place. Yea, 
now the rebels began to play 
their pranks, threatening to 
burn the house, and defacing 
the dovecot, (formerly a chapel, 
before it was turned of an house 
of prayer into a den of thieves,) 
of master Corbets ' of Sprow- 
ston, and, committing many 
outrages, laid all pastures ra- 
ther waste than open where 
they came. Yea, now they 
march towards Norwich, the 
chief place in the county. 

4. Norwich is like a great 
volume with a bad cover^ hav. 
ing at best but parchment vpaUs 
about it ; nor can it with mud 
cost and time be effectually 
fortified, because under the 
frowning brow of Mousehold 
Hill^ hanging over it. The 
river Yere so wanton, that it 
knoweth not its own mind 
which way to go, such the 
involved flexures thereof with- 
in a mile of this city, runneth 
partly by, partly through it, 
but contributeth very little to 
the strengthening thereof. 

5. The rebels encamped, or 
rather enkennelled themselves 

z [This very ancient family Sprowston is a village about 
still remains in Norwich, three miles from that city.] 


of Britain. 


sent to the king. Some would 
have no justices, (can you 
blame offenders if desiring to 
destroy- their enemies?) others 
no gentlemen, all no English 
service; mass must he restored^ 
the six articles (lately repealed) 
they would have put in exe- 
cution^ and popery re-esta- 
blished ^. Concluding all with 
this close, (the gilded paper to 
wrap up poisonous treasons, at 
the heginning thereof,) "We 
" pray God save king Edward, 
'' for we be his, both body and 
" goods c." Whose unreason- 
able demands were justly re- 
jected by the king, yet pardon 
proclaimed to such as would 
accept thereof; which the se- 
ditious, mistaking the king's 
&your to be his fear, utterly 

6. Meantime Exeter was not 
so much frighted with her foes 
without, as 'with famine and 
Miction within the walls thereof. 

on Mousehold Hill, (whereon A. D. 1549. 
Mount Surrey, a fair house of _£___ 
the dukes of Norfolk,) whence 
they had free egress and regress 
into Norwich as oft as they 
pleased ». One [Thomas] Con- 
yers, a vicar in the city, they 
had for their chaplain ; and 
were so religiously rebellious, 
that prayers morning and even, 
ing were read amongst them. 
Meantime, so intolerable was 
their insolence, that now they 
sent up such demands to the 
king, to which he neither would 
in honour nor could in justice 
condescends Yet the king con- 
stantly chequered his commina- 
tions with proclamations of par- 
don, which the rebels scorned 
to accept. 

6. As for Thomas Codd d, Exeter re- 
major of Norwich, and others jJor^h 
of the gentry, detained prison- yieldeth to 

ers in Rett's camp, they were 

the rebels. 

^ [Their first intention was 
to have encamped at Eton, a 
hamlet of Norwich, at that 
time covered with a hill ; but 
not finding it suitable to their 
purpose, they took post on 
Mousehold, on a hill called St. 
James, which commands the 
river and the city; the walls 
of Rett's Castle, as it is called, 
remaining to this day ; and his 
cave, close adjoining. After 
this, they seized on St. Leo- 
nard's Hill, opposite to Nor- 
wich, where stood the house of 

the earl of Surrey, at the bot« 
tom of which flows the river ; 
the village of Thorpe stretching 
to the south-west, and Mouse- 
hold to the north-east. These 
parts were at that time much 
covered with wood, but are at 
this day greatly altered.] 

b [Printed in Fox, II. 666, 
and in Strype's Cran. p. 186, 
and N. XL. with the arch- 
bishop's answer to them.] 

c [Fox, ib.] 

^ [This family still remains 
in those parts.] 


The Church History 


A. D. 1549. Great was the want of victuals, 
3 Ed.VI. j^jjd bread especially. Now, 

Plebs nescit jejuna Hmere. 

Where there is the barking of 
the belly, there no other com- 
mands will be heard^ much less 
obeyed. But this was in some 
sort qualified by proportioning 
all provisions in the city to all 
alike ; and mean folk will be 
the better pleased with coarse 
and short diet when eating out 
of t£e same dish with their 
betters. Wlien in successful 
sallies they recovered any cattle 
from the rebels, the poor had 
the principal share thereof. 

7. Faction in the city was of 
most dangerous consequence, 
the generality thereof favour- 
ing popery, and cordial pro. 
testants but few in comparison 
of the other party. However, 

admitted to the councils of tlie 
rebels, for the better credit 
thereof*. If Kett were pre- 
sent, thev were no better thn 
herb John in the pottage, and 
had no influence on their cos. 
sultations ; but if he bappilj 
chanced to be absent^ then tJiej 
were like St. John's wort, (so 
sovereign for sores, and agaiitft 
the plague itself,) and did 
much mitigate the fury of their 
mischievous decrees. Mean- 
time great plenty was in Ketti 
camp, (where a fat sheep mi 
sold for a groat,) but pemnj 
and misery in all otkr 
places ^ 

7. Dr. Matthew Parker, 
(afterwards archbishop of Co* 
terbury,) getting up into tb 
Oak of Reformation, preacheil 
to the rebels of their duty ui 
allegiance er ; but the oak fl 

e ^They endeavoured to 
make Thomas Codd, Robert 
Watson, and Thomas Aldrich, 
of Mangreen Hall, partners in 
their conspiracy ; but they, re- 
fusing, were detained and com- 
pelled to be present at all 
Ketts's councils. The latter 
especially, from his high cha- 
racter for probity and modera- 
tion, possessed great influence 
with the rebels.] 

^ [The rebels, who had in- 
creased in Rett's camp to the 
number of six thousand^ finding 
that some of their members 
secretly appropriated the plun- 
der and concealed it in caves> 

informed Kett and their gO'l 
vernors of it. To remedy \m 
evil they built a kind of stagel 
about an old oak which am 
near their camp, upon whidl 
Kett sat and dispensed ju^l 
ment, and decided in sool 
causes as were brought 
him. This oak they called « 
'* oak of reformation." Frc 
this place he frequently 1*1 
rangued his followers ; 
some of the clergy o£ 
neighbourhood, whom they] 
compelled to join them, pr< 
to them from it.] 

ff [Neville, 20. Strvpe'i 
Park. 26.] ^^ 


of Britain. 


this was a good help to the 
protestants, that such who se- 
vered from them in the church 
joined with them in the town- 
house. Rich papists feared 
their goods would be con- 
demned as heretical, even by 
the rebels of their own religion, 
which made them persist in 
their loyalty to their sove- 

8. John Russell^, lord privy 
seal, was sent down with small 
forces to suppress the commo- 
tion ; a person very proper for 
that service, as of a stout 
spirit, and richly landed in this 
county. He stayed some time 
at Honiton, in vain expecting 
promised supplies, either be- 
cause this lord was looked on 
as of the protector's party, 
whose court interest did much 
decline, or because Norfolk 
rebellion, as nearer London, 
engrossed all warlike provi- 
sions. Thus was this lord in 
deep distress, having nothing 
(save his commission) strong 
about him ; and his few forces, 
for fear and want of pay, began 
daily to forsake him. 

9. And now, follovnng the 
advice of the Dorsetshire gen- 
try, he was ready to return, 
when three princely merchants, 
(for so may I term them, both 

soon as the auditory would A. D. 1549. 
embrace his doctrine : yea, his ^ 
life was likely to be ended be- 
fore his sermon, (arrows being 
shot at him,) had not Conyers, 
Kett's chaplain, seasonably yet 
abruptly set the Te Deum; 
during the singing whereof the 
doctor withdrew to sing his 
part at home, and thank God 
for his great deliverance. 

8. William Parr, marquis of Aid sent to 
Northampton, but more ac- jj^g^^^j^jg 
quainted with the witty than 

the warlike part of Pallas, (as 
complete in music, poetry, and 
courtship,) with many persons 
of honour, as the lords [John] 
Sheffield and [Thomas] Went- 
worth, sir Anthony Denny, sir 
Ralph Sadlier, sir Thomas Pas- 
ton^ &c., is sent to quell this 
rebellion, with 1 500 men. They 
were assisted vnth a band of 
Italians, under Malatesta their 
captain ; whereof the rebels 
made this advantage to fill the 
country with complaints that 
these were but an handful of 
an armful to follow driving on 
the design, to subject England 
to the insolence of foreigners. 

9. Now, though neither wis- The lord 

dom nor valour was wanting in ^"^*^ 

® conqueror. 

the king's soldiers, yet success Lord mar- 
failed them, being too few to ^"" T" 

° quered. 

defend Norwich and oppose 

l> [See his account of his his own letter to the council, 
proceedings in this rebellion, in Strype's Mem. II. App. 103.] 


The Church History 


A.D. 1549. 
3 Ed. VI. 

The lord 
Grey and 
earl of 
come with 
new sup- 

for great interest and loyal in- 
tentionSj) viz. Thomas Prest- 
wood^ John Bodly, and John 
Periam, so improved their cre- 
dits with Bristol, Lyme^ and 
Taunton, that they furnished 
the lord Russell with necessa- 
ries to march forward. Ani- 
mated herewith, they advance, 
and gave the rebels such a 
blow at Fenington Bridge, 
that they left three hundred 
of their bodies dead on the 

10. Soon after the lord Grey 
of Wilton (whose slowness may 
be excused, as busied by the 
way in suppressing tumults in 
Buckingham and Oxfordshire) 
came with a company of horse- 
men and 300 Italian shot, un- 
der Baptist Spinola, their leader, 
to recruit the lord Russell. 
Here one would wonder to 
behold the native English fight- 
ing in the maintenance of the 
mass, opposed by Italians, un. 
til he considereth that these 
foreigners, being soldiers of 
fortune, consulted the coin, 
not the cause, of such as en- 
tertained them. And now the 
king's army advanceth towards 
Exeter, a word or two of which 
city's sad condition. 

1 1. The rebels had often 
attempted to fire the gates of 
the city, till at last the citizens 
found the paradox true, that 
" the only way to keep their 

the rebels : insomuch that the 
lord Sheffield was barbarously 
butchered, sir Thomas Com. 
wallis taken prisoner, and the 
city fired by the rebels ; which 
probably had been burnt to 
ashes, had not the clouds, com- 
miserating the city's calamity, 
and melting into tears, quendied 
the flames ; and thus the mar- 
quis, fain to quit the service, 
returned to London. 

10. Then was John Dudley, 
earl of Warwick, with such 
forces as were intended for 
Scotland, sent to undertake 
the task. The marquis of 
Northampton attended him, to 
try whether he could be more 
fortunate in following than he 
had been in leading. Coming 
to Norwich, he easily entered 
the city, and entertained the 
rebels with many sallies with 
various success, here too long 
to relate ; but generally the 
earl of Warwick came off with 
the better. 

1 1 . Now the rebels, impreg- 
nable in some sort if still keep- 
ing Household Hill, (whereon 
the earPs horse could do small 
service,) deserted it of their 


of Britain. 


" city shut was to set their 
" gates open^" making rampires 
more defensible behind them. 
As for the enemy's intent to 
undermine and blow up the 
walls, it was first discovered, 
then defeated, by John New- 
oombe, a tinner of Teignmouth ; 
for, taking advantage of the 
declivity of the city on that 
side, he countermined the re« 
bels' work, and then derived 
into it all the kennels and 
water - courses, falling down 
with a great precipice, and so 
drowned the vault intended 
with powder to blow up the 
walls ; besides, at the same in- 
stant set an impetuous shower, 
which added to the deluge. 
Thus in vain doth hell seek to 
kindle that fire, when heaven 
intendeth to pour water for the 
quenching thereof. 

12. Famine raged most ex. 
tremely, insomuch as they were 
£ain to bake bran and meal 
moulded up in cloths, for other- 
wise it would not stick toge- 
th^. Nor must the worthy 
resolution of a loyal citizen be 

own accord, and came down A. D. 1549. 
into Dussindale*. Here their 3Ed»Vl» 
superstition fancied themselves 
sufficiently fenced by the virtue 
of an old prophecy : 

"®5e couttttfi gttooffeji, ?§ob,phaip 

anD (louteD 0]^oon, 

SbtM fill up Su5(0inDale 
initio fdaugj^tereD (ol)ie$( 



It hath ever been charged on 
the English, as if they always 
" carried an old prophecy about 
" with them in their pockets''," 
which they can produce at plea-^ 
sure to promote their designs, 
though oft mistaken in the ap- 
plication of such equivocating 
predictions, as here these silly 
folk were deluded ; for, it be- 
ing believed that Dussindale 
must make a large and soft 
pillow for Death to rest there- 
on, these rebels apprehended 
themselves the upholsterers to 
make, who proved only the 
stuffing to fill the same. 

12. The earl, glad that the 
enemy had quitted the hill, fell 
with all his forces upon them ; 
and here happened a most 
bloody battle. The rebels dis- 
puted the ground with their 
natural logic, as I may term it 

i [They were compelled to 
leave their ground, being strait- 
ened from want of provisions. 
See the protector's letter to sir 

Philip Hobby. Strype's Mem. 
II. App. 106 ] 

^ [See this History, p. 228.] 


The Church History 


A.D. 1549. forgotten^ publicly professing^ 
3Ed.VI. ^^^ "rather than he would 

'* surrender the city .to the 
" rebels, he would fight with 
'^ one arm and feed on the 
'* other." And now they were 
reduced to utmost extremity, 
when the seasonable approach 
of lord privy seal put a period 
to their miseries; for at the 
windmill of St. Mary Clist, 
after a bloody battle, wherein 
sir William Francis was slain 
on the king's side, the rebels 
were routed and forced to fiy, 
leaving a thousand of their 
corps dead on the place. Miles 
Coverdale gave public thanks 
to God for the victory in the 
view of Exeter ^ and soon after 
was made the bishop thereof ™. 
13. Then the lord caused 
St. Mary Clist to be burnt to 
the ground, though it was his 
own town^ as knowing full well 
traitors to their king would 
never make good tenants to 
their landlord. And on Clist 
Heath a second fight was be- 
gun, where the rebels were 
finally overcome. The lord 
privy seal marched into Exe- 
ter, and was there^ as he well 
deserved^ welcomed with all 
possible expressions of joy. Sir 

— downright blows, without 
much military discipline. Here 
one might have seen young 
boys (timely traitors) plucking 
the arrows wherewith they 
were wounded out of their 
own flesh, and giving them to 
those of their own party to 
shoot them back again; here 
some, thrust through with 
spears, wilfully engaged their 
bodies the deeper thereon, only 
striving to reach out their re- 
venge on those who wounded 
them. But at last rage was 
conquered by courage, number 
by valour, rebellion by loyalty, 
and in the fight and pursuit 
two thousand at the least were 

13. Remarkable was Divine 
Providence in preserving the 
captive gentlemen of the coun- 
try, whom the rebels coupled 
together^ and set them in the 
front of the fight. Now^ al- 
though it be true what David 
saith. The sword devoureth one 
as well as another^,' yet so 
discreetly did captain Drury 
charge the van of the rebels, 
that most of these innocent 
prisoners made their escape. 
The last litter of Rett's kennel, 

1 [He was for some time 
assistant to Veysey, his prede- 
cessor in that see ; but accord- 
ing to Hooker he was at that 
time " attending on my lord 

** [Russell] in this journey. 
Holinshed, 1025.] 

^ [Aug. 27, 1 55 1.] 

n 2 Sam. xi. 25. 


of Britain. 


William Herbert, with looo 
Welsh, came too late to fight, 
but soon enough to be an ho- 
nourable witness of the vic- 

14. This sixth of August, 
the day of their deliver- 
ance, is an high festival in 
the almanack of Exeter ; good 
cheer, and thereby, I justly 
guess, their great gratitude 
being annually observed, with 
a public sermon to perpetuate 
the memory of God's mercy 
unto them. Yet such solem- 
nities do daily decay, every 
new generation being removed 
one degree further from the 
deliverance. The king con- 
ferred the manor of Exilond 
(formerly belonging to the city, 
but wrested from it by the 
earls of Devonshire) on their 
corporation, in reward of their 
loyalty and valour. 

15. Humphrey Arundel, 
Winslande, Bury, and Coffin 
were executed; and, as this 
commotion began, it ended, at 
Sampford - Courtney, where 
their last remnant was defeat- 
ed. Six popish priests were 
hanged, with Welsh, the vicar 
of St. Thomas ; though all this 
was but mercy to the cruelty 
of sir Anthony Kingston, pro- 
vost-marshal, in trussing up 
many mean offenders o. 

stiffly standing out and fortify- A. D. 1549* 

ing themselves, accepted of ! — L 

pardon on the earl's promise it 
should be assured unto them. 

14. On the nine and twen- Twoso- 
tieth of August a solemn ^^P^^^ 
thanksgiving was made in 
Norwich for their deliverance, 

and is annually continued. In- 
deed, this city being betwixt 
weakness and strength, is taxed 
for wavering at the time be- 
twixt loyalty and revolt ; 
though, to give the citizens 
their due, many expressed 
their fidelity to their prince 
as far as they durst for fear of 
destruction. Yet better had 
it been had Norwich been 
weaker to be quitted, or 
stronger to be defended, whose 
mongrel strength exposed it to 
the greater misery. 

15. Robert Kett was hanged The legal 

on Norwich Castle; William, ^tT*'*"" 

' 'of the re- 

his brother, on Windham stee- bels. 
pie ; nine others on the oak of 
reformation, which never till 
then brooked the name thereof. 
Amongst these, MileSj^ a cun- 
ning cannoneer, was much la- 
mented, because remorse kept 
him from doing much mischief 
to which his cunning did en- 
able him P. 

o [Holinshed, 1006. He jester as the noted Jeffreys, 
was as cruel and barbarous a See Holinshed, 1006-7. In- 




The Church History 

BOOK Til. 

A. D. 1549. Thus, by God's blessing on man's endeavours, 

1 ; Iboth these rebellions were seasonably suppressed^. 

That of Devonshire did openly avouch the advancing 
of popery ; the other was suspected secretly fomented 
by some papists, who stood behind the curtain, but 
ready to step on the stage, had success of the design 
but given them the cue of entrance. As for the 
rebellion at the same time in Yorkshire, (which 
from a small pustule might have proved a painful 
boil, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neglected,) it was 
quickly quelled on the execution of [William] Omler 
and [Thomas] Dale, the chief promoters thereof ^ 
Abstracts 22. By the favour of sir Thomas Cotton, having 
matters out obtained to make use of his library, (our English 
wJ^"s^o^' Vatican for manuscripts,) I shall transcribe king 
^^- Edward's Diurnal, written with his own hand, of 
the transactions in his reign \ True it is his obser- 
vations, for his two first years, are short, and not 
exactly expressing the notation of time; but his 
notes, as the noter, got perfection with his age. 
They most belong to secular affairs, out of whidi 
we have selected such as respect ecclesiastical mat- 
ters. May the reader be pleased to take notice, 
that though my observations, as printed, go abreast 
in parallel columns with those of his highness, it is 
my intention they should observe their distance, ifl 
their humble attendance thereupon. 

deed throughout the whole of 
these commotions the rich no- 
bility acted against the deluded 
people, who were but instru- 
ments in the hands of others, 
with a ferocity unparalleled ex- 
cept in the annals of a civil war.] 
P [He was suspected to have 
been bribed. Neville, ib. 55.] 

^ [1549-] 

r [21st September. Pox, 11. 
670. Stow, 597.] 

■ [Cotton Lib. Nero. C. x. 
This diary has been printed, 
but with some errors, at foU 
length by bishop Burnet, ifl 
his History of the Reforn\atioDi 
vol. II. A pp.] 


of Britain. 





TeM Royal. 

" 1549. The lord protec-'' 
tor, by his own agree-" 
*' ment (1) and submission," 
" lost his protectorship (2)," 
" treasurership, marshal-" 
" ship, all his movable^," 
" and near 2000 pound" 
land,byact of parliament." 
" April 4th, 1550. The" 
bishop of Chichester* (3)," 
" before a vehement af-" 
" firmer of transubstantia- ' 
tion, did preach against" 
[it] at Westminster, in" 
the preaching place." 
" April 10th. My lord" 
" Somerset taken into the" 
** council." 

" April 13th. Order" 
*' taken, that whosoever" 
had benefices given them" 
(4) should preach before" 
the king, in or out of 
" Lent, and every Sunday" 
** there should be a sermon." 
" April 19th. Whereas" 
" the emperor's ambassa-" 
*' dor desired leave, by let-" 







Observations thereon, AEd\l 

(i) Thus the pilot, to' 
save the ship from sinking, 
casts out the rich lading 
into the sea. 

(2) This lay void ever 
after, whilst the treasurer- 
ship was presently conferred 
on William Paulet, marquis 
of Winchester ; and the 
marshalship on John Dud- 
ley, earl of Warwick. 

(3) Namely, George Day, 
who, notwithstanding this 
sermon, remained a zealous 
papist, and on that score 
was deprived of his bishop- 

(4) Understand it, not by 
private patrons, but either 
presented by the king or 
lord chancellor. 

t [ In Cotton MS. " Ches- 
•• tre" (sic).] 

" [loth Oct. 1551. Stow, 
60,1;. 6th Oct. 155 1, accord- 

ing to king Edward's Journal, 
53. See Burnet, 417. He was 
succeeded by Scory, bishop of 

E 2 


The Church Hirtory 




A.D. 155a " ters patents, that my lady" 

Z L" Mary might have mass;** 

it was denied him (5)." 
« April 27th. It was'' 
granted that my lord of 
" Somerset should have all" 
" his movable goods and" 
** leases, except those that" 
" be already given (6)." 

" May 2nd. Joan Bocher" 
" (7)5 otherwise called Joan" 
" of Kent, was burnt for" 
« holdmg ' that Christ was" 
" not incarnate of the Vir-" 
" gin Mary,' being con-" 

X [Such is the assertion of 
Fox, Acts, &c., II. 653. Bur. 
net, II. 355, affirms that the 
council employed Cranmer and 
Ridley, for mere political rea- 
sons, to persuade the king. The 
princess in her letters to the 
council, where she reproaches 
them for not keeping their 
promise to the emperor, never 
alludes to his ambassador's en- 
gaging the £nglish prelates in 
this service. See her letters in 
Fox, II. 701, sq.] 

y [See Cranmer*8Works,III. 
138, 144. Burnet, II. 230. 
Strype's Mem. II. 214. And 
the letter of the archbishop of 
Canterbury and other the king's 
commissioners respecting this 
woman, dated April 30, 1549, 
in Wilkins, IV. 43. Of the 
king's concern for this woman, 
and his desire to spare her. Fox 
gives the following account: 





(5) These ei^aged ardi- 
bishop Cranmer and Inshop 
Ridley to press the king 
with politic reasons for tiie 
permission thereof. He, un- 
able to answer their sign- 
ments, fell a weeping z. 

(6) Courtiers keep wliat 
they catdi, and cstch what 
ever they can come by. 

(7) An obstinate heretic 
maintaining that Christ as. 
sumed nothing of the Viigio 
Mary^ but pasted throng 
her as a cosduit-pipe. Slie 
with one or two Arians wen 

He always spared and £1^ 
voured the lue of man, a 
once appeared in a certain 
dissertation of his had witli 
master Cheeke in faFourii^ 
the life of heretics; inso- 
much that when Joane Ba^ 
cher should be burnedfafi 
the council could not move 
him to put his hand> t 
were fJEun to get Dr. Cm- 
mer to persuade with hio; 
and yet neither could he; 
with much labour^ indoa 
the king to do 8o» sayingi 
'What, my lord! will y« 
have me to send her qoA 
to the devil in her &r(X^ 
So that Dr. Cranmer himaeif 
confessed that he had never 
so much to do in all his lift 
as to cause the king to put 
his hand, saying that In 
would lay all the chsip 
thereof upon Cranmer beloR 


of Britain. 

demned the year before*," 
but kept in hope of con-*' 
version ; and the 30th of" 
April the bishop of Lon-" 
don and the bishop of" 
Ely* were to persuade" 
her; but she withstood" 
them, and reviled the" 
preacher that preached" 
at her death." 
« May 20th. The lord" 
Cobham^ and sir Wil-" 
liam Petre came home" 
from their journey, deli-" 
vering both the oath and" 
the testimonial of the" 
oath, witnessed by divers" 
noblemen of France, and" 
also the treaty sealed" 
with the great seal of" 
France (8) ; and in the" 

all who (and that Justly) A. D. 1550. 
died in this king's reign for ^ 
their opinions 7. 

(8) Advants^eous enongh 
for the French, and disho- 
nourable too much to the 
English, whose covetousness 
was above their sense of 
honour; selling Boulogne, 
bought with blood, for a 
sum of money ^. 

•• God." Acts, II. 652. Stow 
says, " There preached before 
** her at the stake, to have 
" converted her from her he- 
«* resy. Dr. Story; but she, not 
'' regarding his doctrine, said 
•* to him he lied like, &c.*' p. 
604. The whole process of 
her examination is detailed in 
the works already mentioned. 
Stow, p. 596.] 

2 [April, 1549.] 

a [Nicholas Ridley and Tho- 
mas Goodrich.] 

^ [George Brook.] 

c [They had been sent on 
the 18th of April to receive 
the Frendi king's oath in rati- 

fication of the treaty of Bou- 
logne. Tiak peace was deter- 
mined on in February. Stow 
(p. 604) thus describes the 
negotiation : '* After divers 
" meetings of our ambassadors 
" v^ith the lords of France at 
'^ Boulogne, a final peace was 
concluded, upon condition 
that the French king, paying 
a certain sum of money to 
" the king of England, should 
" have rendered to him the 
town of Boulogne, and all 
the forts thereunto belong- 
•* ing, with all such artillery 
*^ and munition as was there 
" at the taking thereof by the 



• < 



E 3 


The Church History 

BOOK Til. 

'^•?:;'IA°*" oath was confessed that" 

4 Ed. VI. 

^ " I was supreme head of 



the church of England" 

and Ireland (9)." 

« June 9th. The duke" 
" of Somerset**, marquis of 
" Northampton®, lord trea-" 
" surer Bedford ^, and the" 
" secretary Petre &, went" 
" to the bishop of Win-" 
" chesterfif to know to what" 
« he would stick (10). He" 
" made answer that he" 
" would obey and set forth" 
" all things set forth by me" 
" and my parliament ; and" 
" if he were troubled in 
" conscience, he would re- 
" veal it to the council," 
** and not reason openly" 
" against it *>." 

« June 10th. The books" 
'' of my proceedings was" 
" sent to the bishop of 

(9) The controversy about 
this title lying not betwixt 
the crowns of Cngland and 
France, but betmxt Eng- 
land and Rome, no wonder 
if the French yielded to anj 
style in a treaty so gainful 
to themselves. 



(10) For as yet this sub- 
tie statist scarce knew his 
own mind, often receding 
from his resolves, whose in- 
constancy in this kind in- 
censed the king and council 
against him. 



'* English ; for the perform- 
ance whereof hostages were 
by both parties to be deli- 
** vered : so that on the last 
** day of March a general peace 
** was proclaimed between the 
" kings of England and France, 
*• the emperor and the Scots." 
See also King Edward's Jour- 
nal, 13, and Burnet, II. 306. 
The negotiation appears to 
have given great offence, and 
was afterwards thrown in the 

teeth of the duke of Somenet 
by his political opponents. Sec 
his letters to lord Russell, is 
Fox, II. 749. The policy d 
this measure is discussed bj 
Burnet, Ref. II. 269.] 

^ [Edward Seymour.] 

e [William Parr.] 

^ [John Russell.] 

Burnet, 11. 310. The let- 
ters which passed on this occa- 
sion are printed in Fox, 11,734.] 



of Britain^ 













Winchester, to see whe-" 
ther he would set his" 
hand to it, or promise to 
set it forth to the people. 
" June 14th. The duke" 
of Somerset, with five" 
other of the council, went" 
to the bishop of Winches-" 
ter, to whom he made" 
this answer: *I, having 
deliberately seen the 
Book of Common Prayer," 
although I would not" 
have made it so myself, 
yet I find such things in 
it as satisfieth my con- 
science ; and therefore 
both I will execute it 
myself, and also see other 
my parishioners to do it' " 
(11). This was subscribed" 
by the foresaid counsel-" 
lors, that they heard him" 
saying these words." 
« July 9th. The earl oP 
Warwick*, the lord Trea-' 
surer, sir William Her- 
bert, and the secretary" 
Petre, went to the bishop" 
of Winchester with cer-" 
tain Articles, signed by" 
me and the council, con-" 

A. D. 1550. 
4 Ed. VI. 









(11) Parish, in the dia- 
lect of a bishops is notori- 
ously known to be his dio- 
cese. Yet I deny not but 
that the numerous parish- 
ioners of St. Mary Overy's 
(wherein Winchester House) 
are herein particularly in- 



i [John Dudley.] 
£ 4 

56 The Church HUtory book 

A.D. .550.^ taining the confessing of 
^^^'' « his fault, the supremacy," 

" the establishing of holy*" 

" days, the abolishinsf of 

« six Articles, and divers" 

" other ; — whereunto he" 

" put his hand, saving to" 

" the confession." 

"July 10th. Sir William" 

" Herbert and the secretary" 

" Petre were sent unto him" 

" to tell him I marvelled" 

" that he would not put" 

" his hand to the confes-" 

" sion ; to whom he made" 

'* answer, ' That he would" (12) If conscious of 

" not put his hand to the" crime, he is not to be 1 

"confession, for because he" ^^"'"^^ ^^.' justifying 

,, /,^v •, own inteffTity. 

" was mnocent' (12)." ^ ^ 

"July 11th. The bishop" 
" of London, the secretary" 
" Petre, Mr. Cecil, and" 
" Gooderich, were com-" 
" manded to make certain" 
" Articles ^, according to 
" the laws, and to put 
" [them] in the submis-" 
•* sion." 

'' July 12th. It \vas ap-" 
" pointed that, under the" 
" shadow of preparing for" 
" the sea matters, there" 



^ [These are also printed in Fox, II. 735.] 


of Britain. 












should be sent 5000" 
pounds to the Protest-" 
ants, to get their good" 
will (13)." 

" July 14th. The bishop" 
of Winchester did deny" 
the Articles that the" 
bishop of London and the 
other had made (14)." 

" July 19th. The bishop 
of Winchester was se-" 
questered from his fruits" 
for three months (15)." 

"July 28th. The lady" 
Mary, after long commu-" 
nication, was content to" 
come to Leis to the lord" 
chancellor, and then to" 
Hunsdon; but she utterly" 
denied to come to the" 
court or Oking at that" 
time (16)." 

" Aug. 13th. The lord" 
chancellor ^ fell sore sick," 
with forty more of his" 
house (17) ; so that the 
lady Mary came not thi- 
ther at that time." 

"Nov. 19th. There were" 
letters sent to every" 
bishop to pluck down" 
the altars ™." 



(13) Such umbrages ofA.D.1550. 
simulation presumed lawful 4 Ed. VI. 
by all politicians. Quare, 
whether the Protestants in 

the Netherlands or France 
(those of High Germany 
being beyond the line of 
probability) were here in- 

(14) They were drawn 
up in so punctual expres- 
sions, the other had neither 
compass for evasion nor co- 
vert for equivocation. 

(15) A rod formerly in 
fashion^ but never so soundly 
laid on as of late. 

{16) She loved to deal 
with the king her brother 
endnus by letters, but in no- 
wise comminus bv discourse. 
Besides, she hated coming 
to the court, suspecting 
some harsh usage to her 
person, and jealous of being 
put into restraint. 

(17) Lees in Essex, a 
county generally not very 
healthful ', where agues sit 
as dose, and sometimes last 
as long, as a new suit. 

1 [Richard Rich.] removed was that of St. Paul's, 

m [The first altar which was probably by the influence of 


The Church History 


A.D.1550. *' Dec. 15. There was" 

4 Ed. VI. 

" letters sent for the taking" 

" of certain chaplains (IS)** 
**of the lady Mary, for" 
- saying mass ; which she'' 
" denied q." 

(i8> Of these iVancis 
Mallet (last master of Mi- 
chael House^ in Cambridge) 
was the chief ". He, having 
leave from the council to 
officiate mass, only in the 
presence of the lady Mary^ 
presumed on the same 



Ridley, then bishop of London. 
** This year, (1550,)" says 
Stow, " St. Barnaby's day 
** (June Ti) was kept holiday, 
" and the same day at night 
** the altar in Paul's church 
*• was pulled down, and a table 
set where the altar stood, 
with a vayle drawn beneath, 
" and steps ; and on the Sun- 
*• day next a communion was 
*' sung at the same table ; and 
** shortly after all the altars 
" in London were taken down, 
" and tables placed in their 
" rooms." p. 604. Heylyn, in 
his History of the Church, 
doubts the correctness of this 
statement, on the ground that 
Ridley was " the master of too 
" great a judgment to run before 
" authority in a business of 
** such weight and moment ; 
" and he had also a more high 
" esteem of the blessed sacra- 
" ment than by any such un- 
** advised and precipitate action 
" to render it less venerable in 
'^ the eves of the common 
" people." p. 98. But this is 
sufficiently answered by the 
fact that sir J. Yates was sent 
down into Essex, on the 23rd 
of June this year, to see Rid. 
ley's injunctions respecting the 
plucking down of altars per- 
formed. See King Edward's 
Journal, 24. Burnet, II. 3 25. 

Strype's Mem. II. 227. Both 
the bishop in his injunctions, 
and the council in their letter, 
state that " Whereas in divers 
** places some use the Ijord's 
" board after the form of a 
•* table, and some of an altar, 
'' whereby dissension is per- 
'* ceived to arise among the 
" unlearned; therefore, wish- 
*' ing a godly unity to be ob- 
*• served, they required all al- 
** tars to be removed." It is 
clear, therefore, that altars had 
been removed from several 
churches prior to these injunc- 
tions, but by what authority is 
not easily discovered. Proba- 
bly these orders were further 
pressed on account of the dis- 
putes arising in various places, 
altars being placed in some 
churches, and tables in others. 
See the letters printed in Fox, 
II. 699. Wilkins' Concilia, IV. 
65. Cranmer's Works, IV. 377. 
Fox has also published another 
paper sent vnth these injunc- 
tions, containing the *' Reasons 
" why the Lord's board should 
** rather be after the form of a 
** table than of an altar.** 
These alterations did not pass, 
however, without giving great 
offence to many. See Strype's 
Mem. II. 227. Burnet, II. 


^ Sceletos Cant. MS. 


of Britain. 


"1S51. Feb. 16th. Whal." 
" ley was examined for per-" 
" suadiDg divers nobles of* 
" the realm to make the" 
" duke of Somerset pro-" 

liberty in her absence o. ^ ^ j^^^^ 
Whereupon he was, not- 4 Ed. VI. 
withstanding his lady's re- 
fusal to surrender him^ 
fetched from her by force, 
and committed to prison P. 



® [What that liberty was, 
and upon what conditions it 
was granted, is thus explained 
in the letter of the privy coun- 
cil to the princess, dated Dec. 
^5* ^55° • '* It is very true the 
'* emperor made request to the 
" king's majesty^ (19th April, 
" 1550,) that you might have 
'* liberty to use the mass in 
** your house, and to be as it 
** were exempted from the dan- 
** ger of the statute : to which 
" request divers good reasons 
were made, containing the 
discommodity that should 
" follow the grant thereof, and 
" means devised rather to per- 
" suade you to obey and receive 
" the general and godly refor- 
ination of the v/hole realm, 
than by a private fancy to 
*' prejudice a common order. 
** But yet, upon earnest desire 
" and entreaty made in the 
emperor's name, thus much 
was granted, that for his sake, 
and your own also, it should 
be suffered and winked at, if 
you had the private mass 
'* used in your own closet for 
'* a season, until you might be 
" better informed, whereof 
" there was some hope, having 
'* only with you a few of your 
'* own chamber, so that for all 
" the rest of your household 
" the service of the realm 
" should be used, and none 
" other. Further than this 








" the promise exceeded not." 
This promise, as they proceed 
to shew, the ambassador endea- 
voured to have confirmed under 
the great seal, " and that not 
** being heard, to have it but 
** by a letter.'* This was de- 
nied likewise. ** The most that 
*• might herein be borne was, 
" that the king's majesty might, 
** upon hope of your grace's 
'^ reconciliation, suspend the 
'• execution of his law." Fox, 
II. 705. Burnet, II. 353. 
Strype's Mem. II. 249.] 

P [27th April, 155 1. King 
Edward's Journal, ^y,'] 

*i [The allowing mass to be 
said in the house of this prin- 
cess was connived at in the 
early part of this reign, but 
never officially permitted, (King 
Edward's Journal, 16, 31, 41;) 
and this was done, to use the 
king's own words, (ib. 34,) " in 
** hope of her reconciliation." 
See also his letter to the prin- 
cess. Fox, II. 703. But finding 
that the effect desired had not 
been produced, the king and 
his council resolved that the 
mass should no longer be per- 
mitted in her house. For break- 
ing this order, *' and saying 
mass before her household, 
the princess being absent," 
Dr. Mallet was sent to the 
Tower, (ib. 37, 41.) See the 
letters which passed upon this 
occasion, in Fox, II. 701, sq.] 



60 Tlie Chnreh Hittorv book m 

A. D. isso. " tector at the next par-" 
*^-^'^- « liament, and stood to the" ('9) Now were tke mk 

" denial, the earl of Rut-" TT''^ ^JT^ 

, . ^ laid, of the protector 8 offf- 

land affirming it mani- ^^ro^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^ 

festly (19)." bng after. 

Feb. 13th. The bishop" 
" of Winchester, after a" 
long trial, was deposed" 
of his bishopric." 


It seems some legal formalities were pretended 
wanting in Gardiner his deprivation; for in nj 
memory a suit was commenced to overthrow a l(ffi; 
lease made by bishop Poinet (Gardiner's succesBoi 
in Winchester^) on this point, that Gardiner stil 
remained lawful bishop; but nothing therein im 
The con. 23. Como WO uow to the saddest difierence tU 
Son-^ ©ver happened in the church of England, if we c» 
fonmty. gjj^j, either the time how long it continued, tk 
eminent persons therein engaged, or the dol^ 
effects thereby produced. It was about matters d 
conformity ^. Alas ! that men should have lass m 
dom than locusts, which, when sent on Grod's errand 
did not thrust one another^; whereas here soA 
shoving and shouldering, and hoisting and heaving^ 
and jostling and thronging, betwixt clergymen ol 
the highest parts and places : for now nonconform!^ 
in the days of king Edward was conceived, whid 
afterward in the reign of queen Mary (but heyaoi 

' [5 April, 155 1. See King Str3rpe'8 Mem. II. 224, ai 

Edward's Journal, 35.] App. n8. Strype's Cr. aii.j 

" [On these dissensions, see ^ Joel ii. 8. 
Burnet, II. 314, III. 331. 

csirr. XVI. 

of Britain. 


sea, at Fraakfort) was bom; which in the reign ofA.D. 1550. 

queen Elizabeth was nursed and weaned; which 1 

under king James grew up a young youth or tall 
stripling; but towards the end of king Charles his 
reign shot up to the Ml strength and stature of a 
man, able not only to cope with, but conquer, the 
hierarchy, its adversary. 

24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered The fa- 

* X X X .^ vourers 

themselves^ driving on different interests under their and oppos. 

.. . en thereof. 

respective patrons. 

Founders of Conformity. 

i. Sueh as remained 
here all the reign of king 
Henry the Eighth, and 
weathered out the tem- 
pest of his tyranny at 
open sea, partly by a 
politic compliance, and 
partly by a cautious con- 
cealment of themselves. 

ii. These, in the days 
of king Edward the Sixth, 
were possessed of the best 
preferments in the land. 

iii. And retained many 

Fownders of Noncon* 

i. Such as fled henee 
beyond the seas, chiefly 
into Germany, where, liv- 
ing in states and cities of 
popular reformation, they 
sucked in both the air 
and discipline of the place 
they lived in. 

ii. These, returning late 
into England, were at a 
loss for means and main- 
tenance, only supported 
with the reputation of 
being confessors ; render- 
ing their patience to the 
praise, and their persons 
to the pity of all consci- 
entious people. 

iii. And renounced all 

62 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. 1550. ceremonies practised in ceremonies practised by 

•^ — '■ — ^the Romish church, con- the papists, conceiving 

ceiving them to be an- that such ought not only 

cient and decent in them- to be clipped with the 

selves ". shears, but to be shaved 

with a razor; yea, all 
the stumps thereof to be 
plucked out. 
iv. The authority of iv. John Rogers, lee- 
Cranmer and activity of turer in St. Paul's, and 
Ridley headed this party; vicar of St. Sepulchre's, 
the former being the with John Hooper, after- 
highest, the latter the wards bishop of Glouces- 
hottest in defence of ter, were ringleaders of 
conformity. this party. 

This John Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skilled 
in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last 
would go far in this age,) and afterwards travelled 
over into Switzerland ; yea, he seemed to some to 
have brought Switzerland back with him, in his 
harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave 
into rigour, and severe into surliness x. Yet, to 
speak truth, all Hooper's ill-nature consisted in other 
men's little acquaintance with him. Such as visited 
him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who 
repaired to him twice, only suspected him of the 
same ; who conversed with him constantly, not only 
acquitted him of all morosity, but commended him 
for sweetness of manners; which, saith my author. 

« [Their arguments and II. 155.] 
those of their adversaries are ^ [See an instance of this in 
briefly summed up by Burnet, Fox, III. 146.] 


of Britain. 


Godwin in the Bishops of Gloucester y, endeared a. d. 1550. 

^ 4 Ed. VI. 

him to the acquaintance of BuUinger. This Hooper 

was preferred to be bishop of Gloucester by the 
special fiivour of his patron, John earl of Warwick, 
afterward duke of Northumberland. 

25. The worst was, when Hooper came to be Hooper re- 

fuseth to 

consecrated bishop of Gloucester *, he scrupled the wear the 
wearing of certain episcopal ornaments, (rochet, St!^ 
chimere, square cap, &c.) producing a letter from 
the earl of Warwick *, (omniprevalent then at court, 
in the declining of his corrival the duke of Somerset,) 
that he might be favourably dispensed vnth. therein, 
according to the tenor ensuing, to archbishop 

" After my most hearty commendations to your 
" grace, these may be to desire the same, that in 
" such reasonable things wherein this bearer, my 
" lord elect of Gloucester, craveth to be borne withal 
" at your hands, you would vouchsafe to shew him 
" your grace's favour, the rather at this my instance. 
** Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the 
king's majesty's own motion. The matter is 
weighed by his highness, none other but that your 
grace may facilely condescend unto. The prin- 
" cipal cause is, that you would not charge this said 




:P. 553-1 
June, 1550.] 

'Principally through the 

influence of his former master, 

sir John Arundel, who was in 

great favour with the duke. 

Wood's Ath. I. 223.] 

b [Burnet's Hist. II. 386. 

Strype's Cran. 302. That 

Hooper was unreasonahly se- 

vere will be seen by Peter Mar- 
tyr's letter addressed to him 
upon the use of garments, of 
which an abstract is given in 
Strype's Cran. 305. See also 
his Mem. II. i, 352. The 
archbishop's letter to Bucer 
for his judgment on this sub- 
ject is printed in Cranmer's 
Works, I. 341] 

64 The Church History book vii. 

A. IX i|5Q. « bearer with bxx oath burdenous to his conscience. 

4 Ed. Vl. 

" And so for lack of time I commit your grace to 

" the tuition of Almighty God. 

" From Westminster, the 23rd of July, 1550. 

" Your Grace's most assured loving Friend, 

" J. Warwick ^." 

What this oath was (because not expressed) is 
variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper 
more odious, will have it the oath of supremacy ^ ; 
which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly 
unlikely that the king would dispense with any 
from taking that oath, wherein his own dignity was 
so nearly concerned. I conceive it the oath of 
canonical obedience to the archbishop % which conse- 
quentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper 
was willing to decline ; for in the king's next letter, 
wrote thirteen days after to the same purpose, there 
is mention only of offensive rites and ceremonies, 
and of no oath at all, as coincident with the former 
and obligatory to such canonical observances. But 
see the letter : 

[The King's Letter or Grant for the Dispensation of 
John Hooper^ elected Bishop of Gloucester; writ- 
ten to the Archbishop of Canterbury^ and other 

" Right reverend father, and right trusty and well- 

c [Prom Fox, III. 147.] request. Burnet, vol. III. P. ii. 

^ [And such is bishop Bur- p. 268.] 
net's opinion, II. 388, 389. « [Such was Burnet & earlier 

See the oath of supremacy^ as opinion, (which he seems to have 

it was made when the bishops abandoned,) Ref. II. 318 ; and 

did homage in king Henry the Strype's; Cranmer, 302. The 

Eighth's time, with such alter- form of the oath is in Wilkins, 

ations as were introduced by IV. 67.] 
Edward the Sixth at Hooper's 

CJRMT. XVI. of Britahi. 65 

" beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we, by the a.d. 1550. 

** advice of our councel, have called and chosen 1 : 1 

our right well -beloved and well-worthy M. John 
Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of 

** Glocester, as well for his great knowledge, deep 
judgment, and long study, both in the scriptures 
and other profane learning ; as also for his good 
discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that 

" kinde of vocation, [to the intent all our loving 
subjects, which are his said charge, and elsewhere, 
might by his sound and true doctrine learn the 
better their duty towards God, their obedience 
towards us, and love towards their neighbours :] 

" from consecrating of whom we understand you 
doe stay, because he would have you omit and let 
passe certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his 
conscience, whereby ye thinke ye should fall in 
preemunire of laws; we have thought good, by 

** the advise aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you 
of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures 
you should run and be in any manner of way, by 
omitting any of the same. And these our letters 

" shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge 

" therefore. 

" Given under our signet, at our castle of Wind- 

** sor, the 5. of August, the 4. year of our reign. 

" Ed. Somerset. W. Paget. 

" W. Wiltshire. An. Wingfield. 

" W. North. N. Wotton ^" 

All would not do. Resolute Ridley stood stiffly 

^ [Prom Fox, III. 146.] 




The Church History 


-A. ^'550- to his tackling ; and here was old bandying of the 

business betwixt them, and arguments urged on 

both sides ^. 


i. The ornaments were 
indifferent of themselves, 
and of ancient use in the 

ii. Being enjoined by 
lawful authority, they be- 
came necessary, not to 
salvation, but to church 
unity; and it was scan- 
dalous to decline them. 

iii. It would bring the 
papist over to our church, 
beholding all things by 
them used not totally 
abolished by a spirit of 
contradiction, but some 
decent correspondencies 
still moderately conti- 

iv. It would cast a 
slur on the credit of such 
bishops who formerly had 


i. The best thing that 
could be said of them 
was, that they were use- 
less, being otherveise ridi- 
culous and superstitious. 

ii. Cursed he he that 
removes the boundmarks. 
Grant them indifferent in 
themselves, and left so 
by divine wisdom, it was 
presumption in man to 
stamp necessity upon 

iii. Too much of the 
serpent, nothing of the 
dove herein, to offend 
those within, to invite 
those vdthout to the 
church; driving Protest- 
ants thence, to draw pa- 
pists thither. 

iv. The credits of some 
good men were not to 
be preserved by destroy- 

? [See his arguments in Buraet, II. 389, and in Strype^s Cr. 

>. 305 


of Britain, 


used those ornaments, as 
more remiss in religion 
than such as refused 

V. Those that have 
stubborn wills pretend 
too often to tender con- 
sciences; nor ought a 
private person to be in- 
dulged with the disturb- 
ance of the public uni- 
formity of the church. 

ing the consciences ofA.D.1550 


4 Ed. VI. 

V. Hooper put himself 
upon the trial of the 
Searcher of hearts^ that 
no obstinacy, but mere 
conscience, made him re- 
fuse those ornaments. 

In a word, all those arguments which later ages 
have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, 
more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, 
were then and there first solidly propounded and 
solemnly set down on both sides ; posterity in this 
matter having discovered no new mine, but only 
refined what formerly was found out in this con- 

26. At last the great earl of Warwick deserted But is 

forced &1> 

his chaplain in open field, to shift for himself. In- last. 
deed he had higher things in his head than to attend 
such trifles ; not so much to procure a mitre for his 
chaplain as a crown for himself, even then secretly 
laying a design to derive the sceptre into his own 
family ; yea, Hooper was sent to prison **, and kept 
some days in durance S till at last he condescended 

^ [27th Jan. 155 1. Strype's 
Cran. 215.] 

^ His imprisonment not men- 
tioned in Mr. Fox, but in the 
Troubles cf Frankfort, 42. 

[The following is the passage 
alluded to : *' This man being 
" made bishop by king Edward, 
** there was obtruded by other 
" bishops of the same order, 


68 The Church Histoi^ book vii. 

A.D. i5«! conform himself in his habit to the rest of his 
L-J- brethren, and so was consecrated bishop of Glou- 
Defended 27. But that which most opens the mouths of 
Wor^tof papists and other adversaries against Hooper is, 


tncwnmen. \^q^q;^^q jjg^ ^\^q scHipled the poor bishoprfc of 
Gloucester, afterward held the wealthy bishopric of 
Worcester in commendam with it ^. We read of a 
wedge of gold^ ; and little wedges, say they, widen 
men's consciences for the receiving of greater ; yea, 
thus the haters of marriage first become guilty of 
bigamy. But let such know, first, that the dioceses 
of Gloucester and Worcester lie both contiguous 
together ; secondly, many single bishoprics in Eng- 
land are larger than both, for extent in laud and 
number of parishes ; thirdly, no worse a man than 
St. Dunstan himself had the bishopric of Worcester 
and London with it, at the same time, being far 
more distant and remote ; fourthly, it is not the 
having of two bishoprics together, but the neglecting 
of one is the sin : whereas Hooper, in preaching and 

** according to this Book [of the words of the dissenting 

" Common Prayer], a rochet congregation at Frankfort, in 

" and a bishop's robe. This their supplication to the se- 

*' man being well learned and nate.] 

" a long time nourished and ^ [loth May, 1552. King 

" brought up in Germany, as Edward's Journal, 76. See Ant. 

''soon as he refused these Wood, II. 758. Burnet, II. 4 18. 

'* proud things that fools mar- Strype's Mem. II. 354-5. Hoo- 

•* vel at, he was cast into pri- per was imprisoned for de- 

" son ; and at length, by their claiming in the pulpit against 

importunity overcome, and the habits, and for direct dis- 

relenting, he was compelled, obedience to the orders of the 

to his shame, to give place to privy council. See Strype's Cr. 

their impudency with the 308.] 

•'common grief and sorrow of * Jos. vii. 21. 

" all godly minds." These are 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 69 

visiting, afforded double diligence in his double a. d. 1550. 

^« 4 Ed. VI. 


28. The mention of Hooper his holding of theWhyLati- 

vnpnp WAS 

bishopric of Worcester in commendam minds me of not rajtored 
a difficulty which, though I cannot answer, I must ghopric of 
not omit. It is this : seeiug that Latimer was outed ^'^^"^ster. 
of that bishopric in the days of king Henry the 
Eighth, on the account of the Six Articles ™, why 
was he not restored to the same under king Edward 
the Sixth? especially seeing Nicholas Heath, his 
successor, was legally deprived, and the place actu- 
ally void ; whereas, on the contrary, Hugh Latimer 
continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of • 
preferment. Here first we must largely trade in 
negatives : it was not for any want of favour from 
the king, seeing he stood rectus in curia in relation 
to his majesty ; nor was it because his downright 
sermons disobliged the courtiers, who generally de- 
light in soft preaching as in soft clothing " ; nor was 
it out of suUenness, because he would not be bedded 
again with that wife which, though unwillingly, had 
in his absence embraced another ; nor have we any 
cause to suspect Latimer of Hooper's opinion, as 
distasting ceremonies, and so obstructing his advance- 
ment. But we impute it either to his conscience, 
(ofttimes sharpest in the bluntest men,) because he 
would not be built on the ruins of another, espe- 
cially knowing Heath one of a meek and moderate 
nature; or to his age, who, Barzillai-like ®, was 
superannuated for earthly honour (alas ! what 
needed a square cap over the many nightcaps which 

^ [Stow, S950 " Matt. xi. 8. ©2 Sam. xix. 35. 

F 3 


The Church History 

BOOK vir. 

A. D. 1550* age had multiplied on his reverend head?); or 
— 1-^ — 1 because he found himself not so fit for government, 
better for preaching than ordering ecclesiastical 
affairs ; or, lastly, because he prophetically foresaw 
that the ingratitude of the English nation would 
shorten their happiness and king Edward^s life, and 
he was loath to come into a place only to go out 
thereof. Sure I am it was a loud lie which Parsons 
tells, that Latimer was kept bare p, who kept him- 
self bare, living not in the want, but neglect, yea, 
contempt of all worldly wealth. He was confessor- 
general to all Protestants troubled in mind ; yea, he 
was the Corban or treasury, into which restored ill- 
gotten goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor 
according to his discretion ; and Latimer, by the 
courtesy of England, (once a bishop and ever a 
bishop,) was in civility saluted lord, and honoured 
by all good people that knew him. This I conceive 
the true cause why Hooper would not be translated 
to Worcester, but held it in commendam with Glou- 
cester, because Latimer and Heath were both sur- 
viving, each accounted a lawful bishop by those of 
their own religion. 
Hooper and 29- But whou Hoopor, unwiUiugly willing, wore 
concUedby those opiscopal omameuts, he put on with them a 
afflictions, great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him 

thereunto ; yea, when those his clothes may be 

P [Three Conversions, vol. II. 
p. 306. It is probable that La. 
timer was unwilling to return 
to his bishopric ; for the house 
of commons moved that he 
should be restored. But though 
no longer a bishop^ his influ- 
ence appears to have been un- 

diminished, if we may judge 
from his frequent preaching 
before the king. " He was 
•' kept by Cranmer at Lambeth^ 
*' where he spent the rest of 
** his days till he was impri- 
'' soned, in queen Mary's 
** time." Burnet, II. 51, 195O 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 71 

presumed half worn out, his anger was new andA.D. i5.i;o. 

fresh as at the beginning ; nor were they fully recon- - — 1 

ciled till their death, in the days of queen Mary : 
high time then to period their passion, before the 
mn (of their life) went down in their wrath. Strange 
that their heart-burnings could not be quenched till 
the fire was kindled which was to bum both their 
bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if 
amendment be the effect. The Jesuit challengeth 
the credit of this reconciliation to the catholics, 
bragging that they made them friends ^ ; but wo 
know their cruel intention was not to make friends, 
but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that 
Divine Power and Providence which sanctified their 
sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, 
against the design and desire of those which inflicted 
them. Thus, when froward children fiill out and 
fight, a good parent and a good rod do quickly make 
them friends. See the letters at large in master 
Fox*^, which passed betvdxt them in prison ; wherein, 
as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement, 
let Ridley receive his praise that he did fast embrace 
it 8 ; for as the second blow makes the fray, so it is 
not the tender but acceptance of peace makes the 
reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all 
the Marian-martyrs Hooper and Ridley suffered with 
most torture, and impute this to a divine punish- 
ment, justly infiicted on them for this their dissen- 

<1 Parsons, ut supra^ pag. ence from Ridley's letter to 

316. Hooper, in Fox, III. 148 ; but 

r [Pox, III. 147.] until we possess the other 

> [I am uncertain upon what letters this cannot be deter- 

authority this is stated by Ful- mined.] 

ler, except he draws this infer- 

F 4 

72 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. 1550. sion, there is somewhat of curiosity in the observa- 


Ltion, and nothing of charity in the application. 

Three sorts 30. We must not forffot that this earnest contest 

ofnoncon- 1 vi. i 1 i 

formists. was not about the calling, but clothes ; not the 
vocation, but only about the vestments of bishops. 
Whereupon the judicious reader will distinguish 
three ranks, or, if the word be better liked, three 
classes of nonconformists, according to their several 
dates and designs : 

i. Ancient nonconformists, here in king Edward's 
days, who desired only to shake down the leaves of 
episcopacy, misliking only some garments about 

ii. Middle nonconformists, in the end of queen 
Elizabeth and beginning of king James, who struck 
at the branches thereof, chancellors and officials, 
and other appendant limbs, which they endeavoured 
to remove. 

iii. Modem nonconformists, who did lay the awe 
to the root of the tree^ to cut down the function 
itself as unlawful and Antichristian. 

Thus after-ages still made new additions, as if it 
would be accounted idleness in them if the strong 
and active legs of the sons and nephews should not 
go faster and further than the old and feeble feet of 
their fathers and grandfathers. 
The Psalms 31. About tliis time David's Psalms were trans- 
into metre, lated into English metre, and, if not publicly com- 
manded, generally permitted to be sung in all 
churches. The work was performed by Thomas 
Sternhold ^, (an Hampshire man, esquire, and of the 

^ [Bale^ De Script., Cent, rett, that Sternhold composed 
IX. §. 79. It is probable that several of them at first merely 
Strype's opinion is more cor- for his own solace ; "for he 


of Britain, 


privy chamber to king Edward the Sixth, who for a. d. 1550. 
his part translated thirty-seven selected psalms,)-^ — '■ — '- 
John Hopkins, Robert Wisedome, &c., men whose 
piety was better than their poetry; and they had 
drank more of Jordan than of Helicon. These 
psalms were therefore translated to make them more 
portable in people's memories, (verses being twice as 
light as the selfsame bulk in prose,) as also to raise 
men's affections, the better to enable them to prac- 
tise the apostle's precept, Is any merry? let him 
sing psalms ". Yet this work met afterwards with 
some frowns in the faces of great clergymen, who 
were rather contented than well pleased with the 
singing of them in churches ; I will not say because 
they misliked so much liberty should be allowed 
the laity (Borne only can be guilty of so great envy) 
as to sing in churches ; rather because they con- 
ceived these singing-psalms erected in corrivality 
and opposition to the reading psalms which were 
formerly sung in cathedral churches ; or else the 
child was disliked for the mother's sake, because 
such translators, though branched hither, had their 
root in Geneva. 

32. Since, later men have vented their just ex-Themean- 

ness of the 

ceptions against the baldness of the translation ; so translation 

'^^set and sung them to his 
" organ, which music king £d- 
•' ward VI. sometimes hearing, 
** (for he was a gentleman of 
•* the privychamber,) was much 
delighted with them, which 
occasioned his publication 
" and dedication of them to 
" the said king. After, when 
" the whole Book of Psalms, 
" with some other hjrmns^ were 



'* completely finished in verse, 
*• (done, it seems, by Hopkins 
" and certain other exiles in 
*' queen Mary's reign,) this 
" clause in the aforesaid Act 
** [of Uniformity] gave them 
" their authority for their pub- 
*' lie use in the church." Mem. 
II. 86.] 

^ James v. 13. 

74 The Church History book vii. 

A D. 1 550. that sometimes they make the Maker of the tongue 

-1 — ! Lto speak little better than barbarism, and have in 

voJired to niany verses such poor rhyme that two hammers on 
be excused. ^ gmith's auvil would make better music ; whilst 
others, rather to excuse it than defend it, do plead 
that English poetry was then in the nonage, not 
to say infancy thereof; and that, match these verses 
for their age, they shall go abreast with the best 
poems of those times. Some, in favour of the trans- 
lators, allege that to be curious therein and over- 
descanting with wit had not become the plain song 
and simplicity of an holy style. But these must 
know there is great difference between painting a 
face and not washing it. Many since have far 
refined these translations, but yet their labours 
therein never generally received in the church, prin- 
cipally because un-book-leamed people have conned 
by heart many psalms of the old translation, which 
would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony if a 
new edition were set forth. However, it is desired 
and expected by moderate men that, though the 
fabric stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad 
contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald 
rhymes in some places get a new nap, which would 
not much discompose the memory of the people. 
The first 33. On the twenty-fourth of July, king Edward, 

l^al erec- *f o 

tion of the by his letters patent, at the request of John a Lascb, 

gr^ti^" free baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent 

m London. ^£ j^jg ^Quncil, give and grant the whole church of 

St. Augustine's \ near Broad Street in London, (the 

^ [Burnet, II. 318. Strype's ''have the Austin Friars for 

Mem. II. 241. " June 29th, " their church, to have their 

** [1550,] it was appointed " service in, for avoiding all 

*' that the Germans should '* sect of Anabaptists and such 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 75 

choir excepted, formerly possessed by marquis Pau-A.D. i5.i;o. 
let,) unto the superintendent and ministers of the-1 — '■ — - 
Dutch church, and other strangers in London, to 
have and to hold for them, their heirs and successors, 
in frank-almonage, to be a meeting-place for them, 
therein to attend God's word and sacraments. He 
ordered, also, that hereafter it should be called by 
the new name of " the Church of the Lord Jesus ;" 
and incorporated the said superintendent, ministers, 
and congregation to be a body politic, for all pur- 
poses and intents; empowering them from time to 
time, in the vacancy of a superintendent, to choose, 
name, and substitute any able and fit person in that 
place: provided that the person so chosen be first 
presented to the king, his heirs and successors, to 
be approved and confirmed by them in the office of 
the mim'stry, enjoining all archbishops, bishops, and 
other officers, qitod permittant prafatis superintend 
dentiy^ et ministris^ et successoribiis suis^ libere et 
quiete frui^ gavderej uti et ewercere ritus^ et cceremonids 
suas propriasy et disciplinam ecclesiasticam propriam 
etpectdiaremj non obstante quod non conveniant cum 
ritibus et C€eremoniis in regno nostro usitatis : " That 
they permit the foresaid superintendent and minis- 
ters, and their successors, freely and quietly to 
hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper 
rites and ceremonies, and their proper and peculiar 
church-discipline, notvrithstanding that they agree 

" like." King Edward's Jour- '* narratio de instituta ac de- 

nal, 24.] " mum dissipata Belgarum Ec- 

y The letters are kept in the " clesia/'&c] p. 13, &c. [These 

Dutch church, and exemplified letters are printed in full from 

in Johannes Utenhovius, in his the patent rolls^ 4 Edw. VI.^ in 

narration of the Dutch Congre- Burnet, II. ii. 288. Wilkins, 

gation, [f* Simplex et fidelis IV. 64.] 


The Church History 


A.D. 1550." not with the rites and ceremonies used in our 
^ ^^•^^' " kingdom." 
Women's 34. Now foUowod the fatal tragedy of the duke 


men's ' of Somerset ; and we must recoil a little, to fetch 
**^'^'' forward the cause thereof'.* Thomas Seymour, baron 

z [Fox, II. 748. Burnet, 
II. no, 203, and II. ii. 5. 
Strype's Mem. II. 123. [On 
this passage Burnet remarks, 
though without naming our 
author, '^It is generally said 
" that all this difference be- 
" tween the brothers was begun 
*' by their wives, and that the 
*' protector's lady, being offend- 
•' ed that the younger brother's 
•* wife had the precedence of 
*' her, which she thought be- 
" longed to herself, did there- 
'* upon raise and inflame the 
'• differences. But in all the 
" letters that I have seen con- 
** cerning this breach, I could 
'* never find any such thing 
** once mentioned; nor is it 
" reasonable to imagine that 
** the duchess of Somerset 
*' should be so foolish as to 
'' think that she ought to have 
** the precedence of the queen 
" dowager ; therefore I look 
** upon this story as a mere 
'* fiction ; though it is probable 
*' enough there might, upon 
*' some other accounts, have 
•' been some animosities be- 
** tween the two high-spirited 
*• ladies, which might have 
** afterwards been thought to 
*' have occasioned their hus- 
*• bands* quarrel." II.i 12. Fox, 
whom the other chroniclers fol- 
low, says merely, ** It happened, 
" upon what occasion I know 
^* not, that there fell a displea- 

" sure betwixt the said queen 
" and the duchess of Somerset, 
*' and thereupon also, in behalf 
*' of their wives, displeasure 
*' and grudge began between 
" the brethren." II. 748. That 
Katherine had some very sharp 
words with Somerset we learn 
from her letters to her husband, 
in Haynes' State Papers, 61, 
62, though the duke's hostility 
may have arisen merely from 
chagrin at the ambition and 
success of his brother. It is 
not impossible, however, that 
as the duke had the year before 
procured a patent under the 
great seal, by which " he was 
" warranted to sit in parlia- 
" ment on the right hand of 
** the throne, and was to have 
" all the honours and privileges 
" that at any time any of the 
" uncles of the kings of Eng- 
" land, whether by the father's 
*' or the mother's side, had en- 
** joyed, with a non obstante 
to the statute of preced- 
ence," (Burnet, II. 81,) that 
his duchess might suppose 
that in right of her husband 
she might be allowed to 
take precedence of the queen 
dowager. And this is ren- 
dered more probable from the 
confession of Wightman^ ser- 
vant to the admiral, who, re- 
lating a conversation between 
himself and Nicholas Throdo 
morton, on occasion of the 




of Britain. 


of Sudely, and lord admiral, the protector's younger a. d. 1550. 
brother, had married the lady Katharine Parr, the -i — '. — 1 
reUct of king Henry the Eighth. A contest arose 
betwixt their wives about place, the protectress, as 
I may call her, refusing to give it to the king's 
dowager; yet was their precedency no measuring 
cast, but clear in the view of any unpartial eye ; nor 
needed other herald to decide the controversy than 
the king's own injunctions, wherein, after prayer for 
his own royal person % ministers were commanded 
to pray for the queen-dowager even before the king's 
sisters, Mary and Elizabeth ; the protector (under 
whom his lady must claim place) being placed last 
in the list of their devotions. 

35. The women's discords derived themselves into Lord Tho- 
their husbands' hearts ; whereupon, not long after, mmir Se- 
followed the death of the lord Thomas Seymour, ^^^^ 
arraigned for designing to translate the crown to 
himself, though having neither title to pretend unto 




death of queen Katherine^ has 
this passage : "'I promise you/ 
said he [Throckmorton], ' if 
my lord be either wise or 
politic, he will become a new 
" manner of man, both in heart 
^' and service ; for he must 
" remember that if ever any 
*' grudge were borne towards 
him by my lady of Somerset, 
it was, as most men guess, 
" for the queen's cause, who 
now being taken away by 
death, it will undoubtedly 
'* follow, unless the fault be in 
*' himself, that she will bear 
** him as good heart as ever 
** she did in her life/ '* Haynes* 
State Papers, 69. This dis- 





sension, however, between the 
two brothers, whatever was the 
primary cause of it, was care- 
fully fostered by designing 
hands ; for Elizabeth, in a let- 
ter to her sister, says, ** In late 
" days I heard my lord of 
" Somerset say, that if his bro- 
" ther had been suffered to 
" speak with him, he had never 
^' suffered; but the persuasions 
** were made to him so great, 
'^ that he was brought in belief 
that he could not live safely 
if the admiral lived ; and that 
'* made him give his consent 
'* to his death." Ellis, second 
series, II. 257.] 

a Vide supra, p. 605. 



78 The Church History book vii. 

A.D., nor effectual interest to achieve the same ^. Let 
4Ed.VL Adonijfthc and this lord's example deter subjects 
from meddling with the widows of their sovereigns, 
lest in the same match they espouse their own 
danger and destruction. This lord thus cut off, the 
protector stood alone on his own bottom, at which 
his enemies daily endeavoured to undermine [him]. 
A tripar- 36. Soou after, the lords of the council resolved 

tltfi &CCI1S&~ 

tion. to accuse him of many high offences^. Of these 
lords, some were lawyers, as the lord Wriothesley 
lately ; the lord Rich, then lord chancellor ; sir 
Edward Montague, chief justice, &c. : some mar- 
tialists, as sir Ralph Sadler, treasurer to the army : 
and some mere statesmen, as William Paulet, lord 
treasurer: and their accusations participated of the 
several conditions of the accusers. The lawyers 
charge him for bringing Westminster Hall into 
Somerset House, keeping there a court of request, 
and therein determining titles of land, to the appa- 
rent injury of the subject. Military men taxed him 
for his sumptuous buildings, having their mortar 
tempered with the tears of soldiers' wives and chil- 
dren, whose wages he detained ; and for betraying 
Boulogne and other places in France to the enemy. 
Statesmen chiefly insisted on his engrossing all 
power to himself ; that whereas, by the constitution 
of the protectorship, he was to act nothing without 
the advice of king Henry's executors, he solely trans- 
acted matters of the highest consequence without 
their privity. 

Earl of 37. Here I must set John Dudley, earl of War- 


^ [20th March, iS49« See ^ [Stow, 597 — 601. Fox, 
Stow, S96.] 11.748. BurnetJI. 276. Strype's 

c^. I Kings ii. Mem. II. 181.] 


of Britain. 


wick^ (as a transcendant,) in a form by himself, being a. d. 1550. 
a competent lawyer, (son to a judge,) known soldier, -^ — '. — 1 
and able statesman, and acting against the protector ^®,/!^J 
to all these his capacities. Indeed he was the very«"®™y- 
soul of the accusation, being all in all, and all in 
every part thereof; and seeing the protector was 
free-spirited, open-hearted, humble, hard to distrust, 
easy to forgive ; the other proud, subtle, close, cruel, 
and revengeful: it was impar congressiis betwixt 
them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt 
a naked and an armed person ^. 

38. Hereupon he was imprisoned at Windsor, in The protec- 
a place anciently called Beauchamp's Tower ^, itandl^pri- 
seems by a sad prolepsis, but never verified till now, ^^ridr* 
when this viscount Beauchamp (by his original 
honour) was therein confined, and hence was he 
removed to the Tower of London. However, although 
all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz. 
in the disjuncture of his best friend (the lord Russell, 

^ [These articles are printed 
in Burnet^ II. ii. 269, in Ho- 
linshed, 1059^ and in Stow^ 601, 
where will be fonnd also^ at full 
lenfiiih, Somerset's acknowledg- 
ment <^d gubmission, which he 
made upon the 23rd of Decem- 
ber. He was not, however, 
released till the 6th of Febru- 
ary following^ after a second 
submission, which he made on 
the 2nd of that month. In 
that paper he says, *' I am most 
feurful and full of heaviness, 
my very good lords, to un- 
*' derstand fiiat my last letters 
were no better accepted at 
your lordships' hands, to 
** whom I am bound during 
my lifie for your most gentle 






" and merciful dealing with 
** me, that it pleased your 
^' goodness to bring my case 
" to a fine. Although the fine 
** be to me importable, yet I 
" do commit myself wholly to 
" his highness' and your lord- 
" ships* mercies. I pray only 
*' the moderation of it." He 
was again committed to the 
Tower on the i6th of Oct. 
1551, and brought thence to 
his trial in Westminster Hall 
on the 1st of December ; lord 
William Paulet, marquis of 
Winchester and lord high trea. 
surer of England, sitting that 
day under the cloth of estate 
as high steward of England.] 
^ Fox, II. 752. 


The Church History 


the second 

A.D.1551. privy seal,) then away in the west, yet by his own 
-^^ — ^ — ^innocence, his other friends' endeavour, the king's 
interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquit- 
ted, and, though outed his protectorship, restored 
and continued privy counsellor, as in the king's diary 
was fonneriy observed s. 

39. But after two years and two months his 
enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as 
the first stroke shaked, the next would fell him to 
the ground ^. Indeed Warwick, who had too power- 
ftd an influence upon all the lords, could not erect 
his intended fabric of sovereignty except he first 
cleared the groundwork from all obstructive rubbish, 
whereof this duke of Somerset was the principal ; in 
whose absence the lords met at the council-table, 
where it was contrived how all things should be 
ordered in relation to his arraignment. 
Lord Rich 40. Richard Rich, lord chancellor, (then living in 

uis ser™ ^^ 

vant's dan. Great St. Bartholomew's,) though outwardly concur- 
r^-ring with the rest, began now secretly to favour the 
duke of Somerset, and sent him a letter, therein ac- 
quainting him with all passages at the council-board, 
superscribing the same (either out of haste or fiimi- 
liarity) with no other direction save " To the Duke ;" 
enjoining his servant (a raw attendant, as newly 
entered into the family) safely to deliver it ^ The 

g [Strype's Mem. II. 292.] 
^ [Burnet, II. 366. Strype's 
Mem. II. 281, 306.] 

» This story attested to me 
by his great grandchild, the 
earl of Warwick. [If Fuller's 
anecdoD^ respecting lord Rich 
be correct^ it is probable that 
he feigned sickness as a motive 
for delivering the seal; forking 

Edward has made the following 
entry in his Journal, at Dec. 
21:^* Richard lord Rich, chan- 
•• cellor of England, consider- 
" ing his sickness, did deliver 
" his seal to the lord treasurer, 
" [William Paulet, marquis of 
'• Winchester,] the lord great 
*' master, [William lord St. 
** John,] and the lord cham- 


of Britain, 


man made more haste than good speed; and hisA. D.1551. 

lord, wondering at his quick return, demanded of 1 

him where the duke was when he delivered him the 
letter. ** In Charter House," said his servant, " on 
'* the same token that he read it at the window and 
** smiled thereat." But the lord Rich smiled not at 
this relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and 
delivery of the letter to the duke of Norfolk \ no 
great fiiend of his, and an utter enemy to the duke 
of Somerset. 

41. Wonder not if this lord rose early up the The lord 
next mornings who may be presumed not to have signetirhis 
slept aU night. He hieth to the court, and having J^^"'* 
gotten admittance into the bedchamber before the 
king was risen up, fell dovm on his knees, and 
desired that his old age might be eased of his bur- 
thensome office; pleading that there ought to be 
some preparatory interval in statesmen betvrixt their 

'• berlain, [Thomas Dudley, 
'* duke of Northumberland,] 
" sent to him for that purpose 
" during the time of his sick- 
** ness, and chiefly of the par. 
<' liament.'* p. 63. Sir Thomas 
Hayward insinuates the same 
in nis Life of Edward VI., p. 
33 1 ; at which assertion Strype 
is somewhat indignant. Mem. 
II. 391. The king further notes 
in his Journal: '' 22nd [Dec. 
'* 1551]- The great seal of 
England delivered to the 
bishop of Ely, to be keeper 
thereof during the lord Rich's 
sickness." p. 64. And again : 
*' Jan. 19, [1552]. The bishop 
'* of Ely custos sigilli was made 
** chancellor, because as custos 
** sigilU he could execute no- 
'* thing in the parliament that 






" should be done, but only to 
" seal ordinary things." lb. 67. 
Goodrich was preferred to this 
place probably by the interest 
of the duke of Northumber- 
land, and on account of his 
enmity to Somerset. Besides, 
Northumberland and Goodrich 
were both papists ; the former 
confessing as much at his exe- 
cution, the latter complying in 
queen Mary's reign. For his 
character, see Burnet, II. 376. 
Strype, however, speaks of him 
more favourably. Mem. II. 


^ [Thomas Howard. See 

the letters between the protec- 
tor and this lord, in Fox, II. 
749. He does not appear to 
have been any very great friend 
to the duke.] 



The Church History 


A.D. 1551. temporal business and their death; in order to which 

i — Ihe desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his 

own devotions ; nor would he rise from the ground 
till the king had granted his request. And thus 
he saved himself from being stripped by others, by 
first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had 
lost his chancellor's place for revealing the secrets 
of the council-board. Some days after, the seal was 
solemnly fetched from him, and conferred on doctor 
Goodrich, bishop of Ely I 
The duke 42. The impeachment of the duke went on never- 

of Somerset . _ i., -i-i.-i./. 

impeached theless, and two nets were laid to catch him, that if 
Dec. I. "* one brake, the other might hold. He was indicted 
of treason and felony : the former was only to give 
the report, the latter to discharge the bullet. So 
great a peer could not be accused of less than high 
treason, that the offence might appear proportionable 
to the offender. However, he was acquitted of 
treason ; whereat the people in Westminster Hall 
gave such a shout, that though the same was inter- 
cepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported 
to be heard as far as Long Acre ™. 
Sad silence. 43. But this sound was seconded with a sad 
silence when he was condemned for felony, by a 
new-made statute, for plotting the death of a privy 
counsellor, namely, the earl of Warwick ^. Here a 

1 [21st Dec. 1 55 1. Stow's 
Chron. 607.] 

^ Stow's Chron. 606. 

^ [Burnet, mentioning the 
different opinions of people 
upon the death of the duke^ 
ho\y that some looked upon 
his fall as a retribution and a 
just judgment upon him for 
devising the fall of the duke of 

Norfolk and his son, others for 
his want of natural affection 
in the proceedings against his 
brother, observes further that 
some also "blamed him for 
" being too apt to convert 
'* things sacred to his own use, 
" and because a great part of 
** his estate was raised out of 
" the spoils of many churches; 


of Britain. 


strange oversight was committed, that he craved not a.d. 1551 
the benefit of the clergy, which could not legally be -5 — i — 1- 
denied him ; on the granting whereof the ensuing 
punishment had certainly been remitted ; and not 
long after he was beheaded on Tower Hill, with no 
less praise for his piety and patience than pity and 
grief of the beholders ®. 

44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justness a quKre 
of his suffering, and generally do believe that herity^*^ 





** and some late writers have 
^* made an inference upon this, 
upon his not claiming the 
benefit of clergy, that he was 
" thus left of God not to plead 
*^ that benefit, since he had so 
*' much invaded the rights and 
" services of the church. But 
in this they shewed their ig- 
norance ; for, by the statute, 
" that felonv of which he was 
" found guilty was not to be 
•* pui^d by clergy." Ref. II. 


How great a favourite he 

was with the people may be 
seen £rom their conduct at his 
trial and execution, and the 
unusual preparations made by 
the lords of the council to pre- 
vent the populace from rescuing 
him. Fox, II. 753. Stow, 606. 
On the day of his trial, ist Dec. 
1 5 5 1 , when the verdict was given 
against him for the charge of 
felony, *' the people in the hall 
** supposed he had been clearly 
** quit when they saw the axe 
" of the Tower put down, [and] 
** made such a shriek^ casting 
up of caps, &c.^ that their 
cry was heard to the Long 
Acre beyond Charing Cross, 
" which made the lords asto- 



'* nied. About five of the 
'^ clock at night the said duke 
" landed at the Crane in the 
*• Vintry, and so was had 
" through Candlewick Street 
" to the Tower." There he 
lay until the 22nd of January 
following. Fox has given an 
account of his execution, sent 
him "by a certain noble per- 
** sonage who not only was 
*• there present at the deed 
" doing, but also in a manner 
*' next unto him [the duke] 
" upon the scaffold." II. 753. 
Stow was also there, and has 
given a better account than 
the other of the sudden con- 
sternation which fell upon the 
people attending the duke's 

Burnet has been more fa- 
vourable to the duke than most 
of our historians, excepting 
Fox, and is inclined to think 
'^ that all this pretended con- 
** spiracy, upon which he was 
" condemned, was only a for- 
" gery." II. 383. The evi- 
dence for both sides of the 
question is summed up in a 
masterly way by Collier, Eccl. 
Hist. II. 313 — 316.] 

o [22nd Jan. 1552.] 

G 2 

84 The Church History book vii. 

A.D.1551. himself was the sheep who was here condemned for 
— ^ — ^ the slaughter. A good author tells us that " he lost 
" his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice 
" point, subtilely devised and packed by his enemies p." 
And yet that the good king himself was possessed of 
his guilt may appear by his ensuing letter % written 
with his own hand to a dear servant of his, as fol- 
loweth : 

" To our well-beloved servant Bamaby Fitzpatrick, 
" one of the gentlemen of our chamber. 

" Edward. 
" Little hath been done since you went but the 
" duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious trea- 
" son, and the musters of the new-erected gen- 
" darmery. The duke, the first of this moneth, was 
" brought to Westminster Hall, where sate as judge 
" or high steward my lord treasurer "•, twenty-six lords 
" of the parliament went on his triall. Indictments 
" were read, which were severall, some for treason, 
" some for trayterous felony. The lawyers read how 
** sir Thomas Palmer had confessed that the duke 
" once minded and made him privy to raise the 
north ; after to call the duke of Northumberland ^ 
the marquis of Northampton*, and the earle of 
" Pembroke " to a feast, and so to have slain them. 
" And to doe this thing (as it was to be thought) 
" had levied men a hundred at his house at London, 
^* which was scanned to be treason, because unlaw- 

P Camd. Brit, in Somerset- Chester.] 
shire, [p. 1 75]. b [John Dudley, earl of 

^ Transcribed out of the Warwick.] 
original. t [William Parr.] 

' Paulet, marquis of Win. « [William Herbert.] 


cxifT. xvi. of Britain: 85 

^^ fall assemblies for such purposes was treason by a. d. 1^51. 
** an act made the last sessions. Also how the duke ^ 
of Somerset minded to stay the horses of the 
gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed 
also the murdering of the lords in a banquet. Sir 
Miles Partridge^ also confessed the raising of 
^^ London ; Hamman y his man having a watch at 
" Greenwich of twenty weaponed men, to resist if 
" he had been arrested ; and this confessed both 
" Partridge and Palmer. He answered, that when 
** he levied men at his house he meant no such 
" thing, but onely to defend himself. The rest Pie] 
" very barely answered. After debating the matter 
" from nine of the clock till three, the lords went 
" together, and there weighing that the matter 
seemed only to touch their lives, although after- 
ward more inconvenience might have followed, 
^* and that men might think they did it of malice, 
** acquitted him of high treason, and condemned him 
of felony, which he seemed to have confessed. 
He, hearing the judgment, fell down on his knees, 
" and thanked them for his open triall. After, he 
asked pardon of the duke of Northumberland, 
the marquis, &c., whom he confessed he meant 
" to destroy, although before he swore vehemently 
** to the contrary. Thus fare you well. 

" From Westminster, the 20th of December, anno 
« Domini 1551." 

Hereby it plainly appeareth that the king was 

X [A man of infamous cha- nal^ 60, 61. Palmer was after. 
racter. See Strype's Mem. tl. wards executed for treason. 



Hammond, in the Jour. 

Strype's Cran. 315.] 
6 3 


The Church History 

BOOK Til. 

A.D. 1553- possessed with a persuasion of his uncle's guiltiness; 

'- — - whether or no so in truth, God knoweth, and gene- 
rally men believe him abused herein ; and it seemeth 
a wonder to me, that six weeks (from December the 
1st to January the 22nd) interceding betwixt the 
duke's condemnation and execution, no means were 
made during that time to the king for his pardon. 
But it is plain that his foes had stopped all access 
of his friends unto the king ^ 

The diike's 45. The duke of Somerset was religious himself, 
a lover of all such as were so, and a great promoter 
of reformation; valiant, fortunate, (witness his vic- 
tory in Musselborough field, when the Scots filled 
many carts with emptiness, and loaded them with 
what was lighter than vanity itself — ^popish images 
and other trinkets, wherein they placed the confi- 
dence of their conquest,) he was generally beloved of 
martial men; yet no marvel if some did grumble 
against him, seeing there is no army, save that of 
the church triumphant, wherein the soldiers at some 
time or other do not complain against their general ; 
nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed 

* [Upon this long interval 
between the sentence of the 
duke and his execution, Burnet 
observes, though without giv- 
ing his authorities, *' It seems 
there was some treaty about 
his pardon ; for though he 
'* was condemned on the ist of 
'* December, he was not exe- 
" cuted till the 22nd of Janu- 
" ary. What made it to be 
" respited so long, and yet 
*' executed at last, does not 
*' appear. It is probable it was 
" ^om a management of the 
*• duke of Northumberland's, 



" who, by the delay, did seem 
" to act in his favour, that so 
" he might be covered from the 
** popular odium which he saw 
" his death was like to bring 
" upon him ; and at the same 
** time, by the means of some 
" who had credit with the king, 
*' he possessed him with so bad 
•• an opinion of the duke of 
" Somerset, that he, looking on 
" him as an implacable man, 
'^ capable of black designs, re. 
" solved to let the sentence be 
" executed upon him." III.40 1. 
See Fox, II. 669.] 

CKNT. XVI. of Britain. 87 

in matters of state^ seeing the most conscientious a- ^- 155^* 

politician will now and then borrow a point of law '• — '- 

(not to say take it for their due) even with an intent 
never to pay it. He was better to perform than 
plot, do than design. In a word, his self-hurting 
innocence declined into guiltiness, whose soul was 
so far from being open to causeless suspicions, that 
it was shut against just jealousies of danger ^. 

46. He built Somerset House, where many like Hw g^ 
the workmanship better than either the foundation "*^°^ 
or materials thereof; for the houses of three bishops, 
(Llandaff, Coventry and Lichfield, and Worcester,) 

with the church of St. Mary-le-Strand, were plucked 
down to make room for it ^. The stones and timber 
were fetched from the hospital of St. John's. This 
Somerset House is so tenacious of his name, that it 
would not change a duchy for a kingdom, when 
solemnly proclaimed by king James Denmark House, 
from the king of Denmark's lodging therein, and his 
sister queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it 
aigaeth that this duke was well beloved, because 
his name made such an indelible impression on this 
his house, whereof he was not full five years peace- 
ably possessed. 

47. We lately made mention of Bamaby Fitz- ?'*^« ^'^fi^'* 

•^ "^ instructions 

patrick, to whom the king directed his letter, as whotoFiizpa- 

trick for 

• [Burnet, II. 276, 278.] " Johnof Jerusalem, neere unto p^^ 

^ [" Also the parish church " Smithfield, most beautifully 

at the Strand without Temple " new builded, and late finished 

Barre was pulled downe, with "by the lord prior, named 

*' Strond Inne, and Strond *' Docwray, was undermined 

" Bridge, in place whereof to ** and orerthrowne with gun- 

'• build the protector's house." " powder, the stone whereof 

Stow, p. 595. "About the same " was applied in the building 

time the steeple and most *' of the lord protector's house 

part of the -church of St. " at the Strond." lb. p. S96.J 

G 4f 




88 The Church HtHory book vii. 

A.D.Ms«.wafl bred and brought up with him from his infancy, 

^ though somewhat the older. He was prince Edward's 

proxy for correction, though we may presume seldom 
suffering m that kind, such the prince's general inno- 
cence and ingenuity to learn his book ; yet when 
such execution was done, as Fitzpatrick was beaten 
for the prince, the prince was beaten in Fitzpatrick, 
so great an affection did he bare to his servant. 
Towards the end of his reign he maintained him in 
the court of France, both to learn fashions there, 
and send intelligence thence ; and it will not 
be amiss to insert the king's private instructions 
unto him how he should behave himself in the 
French court, partly for the rarity, partly for the 
certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the 
original of the king^s own hand, as foUoweth : 

i. " First, he shall goe in the lord admiral's com- 
" pany, and at the same lord's departing he shall 
" have a letter to the French king, which the lord 
admirall shall deliver, and present him to the 
French king; and if it shall chance that the 
" French king will give him any pension, entertain- 
" ment, or reward at his being there for the time 
" he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank his 
" majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be 
" appointed. Neverthelesse, when he is out of the 
" court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pick- 
" ering ^, 

ii. " And at his setting forth shall carry with him 
" four servants ; and if the wages amount to any 
" great smnme (more than I give him) that the 

^ [Ambassador at the French and supposed suitor to queen 
court] ; afterwards knighted, Elizabeth. 

CENT. XVI. f^ Britain. 89 

" French king giveth him, to live there after thatA.D.i55a- 

^ proportion, adyertising me of the same. 

iii. " Also all this winter he shall study the 
" tongue, and see the manner of the court, and 
" advertise me of the occurrences he shall hear ; 
** and if he be desirous to see any place notable or 
" town, he may goe thither, asking leave of the 
" king ; and shall behave himself honestly, more 
*• following the company of gentlemen than pressing 
•* into the company of the ladies there ; and his 
** chief pastime shall be hunting and riding. 

iv. " Also his apparell, he shall wear it so fine as 
" shall be comely, and not much superfluous ; and 
** the next sommer, when either the king goeth or 
" sendeth any man of name into the warres to be 
" his lieutenant, or to lead an army, he shall desire 
** to goe thither ; and either himself or else shall 
" will Mr. Pickering, to declare to the French king 
" how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied 
nor recompensed neither his majesties good enter- 
tainment nor mine expectation who had sent him 
over, if he should return, having so delicately and 
idlely almost spent the time, without he did at 
" this time of service be desirous to goe himself into 
** the warres, by the which thing he might at this 
time doe his majesty service, and also learn to doe 
me service hereafter; yea, and his majesty to if 
the case so required. And therefore, seeing this 
•* nobleman shall now goe, that his request is to 
" have leave to goe vrith him. 

V. " Having said this to the French king, he shall 
** depart into the warres, waiting on this nobleman 
^' that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the 
" divers fortifications of places, and advantages that 

90 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. 155 a. « the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct 

'- — 1- ^^ of the armies ; as also the fashion of the skirmishes, 

battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief 
towns where any enterprises of weight have been 
^^ done, he shall cause to be set out in black and 
" white, or otherwise, as he may and shall send 
" them hither to me, with advertisement of such 
" things as have passed. 

vi. " Furthermore, he shall at all times when he 
" taketh money advertise me of it, and I shall send 
" him. And so the next year being well spent, 
« upon further advertisement, and taking leave of 
" the French king, he shall return. 

vii. " And if there arise or grow any doubt in any 
" matter hereafter, in the which he shall need 
" advise, he shall advertise by the post, and shall 
" have answer thereof." 

This Bamaby Fitzpatrick, after his return out of 
France, was created by the king baron of Upper 
Ossery in Ireland ^, and died a most excellent Pro- 
testant (as hereafter we shall shew) in the reign of 
queen Elizabeth. 
Little 48. On the fifteenth of April the parliament ended 

work in which had sat three months at Westminster, though 
. mmu^ therein nothing of church matters determined, save 
a penalty imposed on such who should strike or draw 
weapon in church or churchyard % with the abolish- 

^ [Queen Elizabeth, says '* and bringing in horses and 
Burnet, II. 462. See also a " mules into the same ; where- 
brief account of him in Strype, " by may be gathered what in- 
Mem. II. 287.] •* decencies and profanations 

« [On Feb. 20th, this year, ** were now practised in 

a proclamation was issued, ** churches." Strype's Mem. II. 

•• prohibiting frays and fight- 299.] 
*' ings in cathedral churches, 

CENT. XYi. of Britain. 91 

ing of the general holy-days of St. Mary Magdalen a. d. 1552. 

and St. George ; yet so that it should be lawful for '- — 1- 

the latter to be solenmly celebrated by the knights 
of the right honourable order of the garter; the 
orders of which order were about this time reformed 
and purged from some ancient superstitions ^ 

49. Six dolphins were taken in the Thames ^, An m pre- 
three near Queenborough, and three above Green- [Aug. 8.] 
wich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with 
brackishness ; insomuch that many grave men dis- 
pensed with their wisdom, and beheld them with 
wonder, as not seen before on our shores: a fish 
much loving man and music, swifter than all other 
fishes, and birds too ; yea, than the swallow itself, if 
Pliny say true ^ ; though all their celerity besteaded 
them not here to escape the nets of the fishermen. 
Their coming up so far was beheld by mariners as a 
presage of foul weather at sea, but by statesmen as 
a prodigious omen of some tempestuous mutations 
in our land ; and particularly they suspected the 
king's death, though for the present he was very 
pleasant and merry in his progress about the coun- 
try, as by his ensuing letter to his former favourite 
(written in the next August) doth appear : Aug. 22. 

" Edward. 

** The cause why we have not hitherto written 
" unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient 
" messenger, partly because we meant to have some 
" thing worthy writing ere we would write any 
" thing. And therefore, being now almost in the 
** midst of our journey which we have undertaken 

this sommer, we have thought good to advertise ; 

' [Burnet, II. 422.] Stow's Chron. 608.] 

8 Godwin's Annals, [344. ^ Nat. Hist. ix. 8. 




92 The Church History book vxi. 

A. D. 155a." now since our last letters, dated at Greenwich, we 

. '■ — ^" departed from thence towards a thing farre con- 

" trary to that wherein, as we perceive by your 
" diligent advertisement, you and all the countrey, 
" you are in, are occupied ; for whereas you all have 
been occupied in killing of your enemies, in long 
marchings, in painfull journeys, in extreme heat, 
" in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults ; we have 
been occupied in killing of wilde beasts, in plea- 
sant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of faire 
countreys, and rather have sought how to fortifie 
" our own than to spoil another man's. And being 
" thus determined, came to Guilford, from thence to 
" Petworth, and so to Condray, a goodly house of 
*' sir Anthony Browne's, where we were marvellously, 
yea rather excessively banquetted. From thence 
we went to Halvenaker, a pretty house besides 
*• Chichester. From thence we went to Warblington, 
a faire house of sir Richard Cotton's ; and so to 
Waltham, a faire great old house, in times past 
" the bishop of Winchester's, and now my lord 
treasurer's house. In all these places we had both 
good hunting and good cheer. From thence we 
** went to Portsmouth town, and there viewed not 
" onely the town itselfe and the haven, but also 
" divers bulwarks, as Chatertons, Waselford, with 
" other ; in viewing of which we finde the bulwarks 
" chargeable, massey, well rampared, but ill fash- 
" ioned, ill flanked, and set in unmeet places ; the 
" town weak in comparison of that it ought to be, 
too huge great, for within the walls are faire and 
large closes, and much vacant room; the haven 
" notable great, and standing by nature easie to be 
" fortified ; and for the more strength thereof we 




CBHT. XVI. (if Britain. 93 

" have devised two stronsf castles on either side of a. d. 1552. 

" the haven, at the mouth thereof ; for at the mouth '- — '- 

" the haven is not past ten score over, but in the 
'^ middle almost a mile over, and in length for a 
" mile and a half able to beare the greatest ship in 
" Ghristendome. From thence wo went to Tichfield, 
** the earl of Southampton's house \ and so to South- 
ampton town. The citizens had bestowed for our 
coming great cost in painting, repairing, and ram- 
pairing of their walls. The town is handsome, 
and, for the bignesse of it, as fair houses as be 
" at London. The citizens made great cheer, and 
many of them kept costly tables. From South- 
ampton we came to Bewly, a little village in the 
<* middle of the New Forrest ; and so to Christ- 
" church, another little town in the same Forrest, 
" where we now be. And having advertised you of 
" all this, we thinke it not good to trouble you any 
" farther with news of this countrey, but onely that 
" at this time the most part of England (thanks be 
" to Grod) is clear of any dangerous or infectious 
" sicknesse. We have received all your letters, of 
** the twenty-sixth of May, of the nineteenth of 
" June, and the first of August. Thus fare you 
" well. 

" From Christchurch, the 22 of August." 

But, leaving the king in his progress, we come to a three- 
fold divi- 
sion of 
^ bishops. 

i [Henry Wriothesley, the duke of Somerset, died 30th 

yomig earl of Southampton. July, in 1550, as some think 
His father, Thomas Wriothes- from disappointment. See Bur- 
ley, who at the beginning of net, II. 9, 33, 289. Strype's 
tms reign had been lord chan- Mem. II. 275. The young earl 
cellor, and lost his place from was the king's godson and ward. 
the powerful enmity of the Strype, ib.] 

94 The Church History of Britain. book tii. 

A.o. 1552-beboId the bishops in their visitations, and find them 
^ — ^ divided into three sorts : 

i. Zealous Protestants; as archbishop Cranmer, 
bishop Ridley, Hooper, Farrer. 

ii. Zealous papists ; as Grardiner, Tonstall, Bonner: 
which three alone were deprived of their bishoprics, 
and confined. 

iii. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to 
the king's laws ; as Heath, archbishop of York, and 
many other bishops. 

Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort, 
which so complied under king Edward the Sixth, 
should be so stubborn and obstinate under queen 
Elizabeth ; whereof I can give but this reason 
assigned : that, growing older and nearer their 
graves, they grew more conscientious and faithful 
to their own (though erroneous) principles ; it being 
in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though 
their younger years had been guilty of such preva- 
rications ^. 

^ [The far more probable and comply in 1548 who would ob- 

just reason is to be found in ject to compliance in 1552. 

the fact that the principles of The oath of supremacy could 

the Reformation became more hardly have constituted the 

developed in the reign of Eli- offence in Elizabeth's reign, 

zabeth, and the foreign reform- and no articles of religion were 

ers exercised a greater influence for some years enforced.] 
than at the first. Many would 





EthdskmuSy Saaonvm monarcha^ decreto smrnvit, si massero 
ascenderet^, ut ter Magnum mare tranfretaret per pro- 
primn negotium suum, fuit deinde Taini dignus rectitu- 
dine. In qua lege emicleanda^ mdhi c^uantillimi immo- 
randum; qyrnm Ucet tUdy ut alia onmiay expedita^ aUis 
forsikm aUqmd nodi ei subesse videattir, 

I. Massere] Mercatorem designari in confesso est. 
%. Magnum mare] Mediterra/newm intenditur, qm 
nomine Sacrce Scriptures sefpius i/imotemt^. 

» [Arms. Checquy or and 
azure, a fess gules, fretty er- 
mine. See the Visitations, 
preserved in the Harleian Col- 
lection of MSS., Nos. 1533 
and 5 181. This gentleman 
was tibe third son of Francis 
Cheney, of Chesham Bays, 
eaq^ high sheriff of the county 
of JSucks. His mother's name 
was Anne, a daughter of sir 

Wm. Fleetwood, of Missenden 
Magna, knight. The lady to 
whom Fuller refers at the 
close of the dedication was 
Jane, daughter of the truly 
noble William marquis of New- 

^ Spelmanni Concilia, 1. 406. 

c Num. xxxiv. 6. Josh. i. 4, 
and XV. 1 2. 

96 The Church History book vii. 

3. Proprium negotium] Qua claumila exdaditm- termle 

genua, {Jactares dickata,) qui non mi Jurie, ted 
DoTtUnis ratioaem reddUuri. 

4. Taini] InldUgiwus melioris not<B generogum. 

5. Dignufl rectitudino.] Olel hoc tacvM harhariem. 8ed 

Mi verbis volmt Rex, ut c^seatur leo-Tunus, aique 
eandem honoris gradum lortiatw. 

Qaod ti, Ttr clariasime, illi secnlo tanfa c<mtigis9et felicUat, tit 
tit tune temporig vixisses, quibus titulii te decorandum Jtex 
iUe eentuitiet ? qvi, orio tuo nobilia, mare parvum, medium, 
magDum, omnia, (muKis aqaaru/m terrarwaque moniibvt 
»uperati»,) transimati ; idqm non turpia Iwri cauaa trf 
namm mercibtts, aed aeienticB wgo, vt mentem doti&vt in- 
atructam r^miarea. 

Te ^itur in ipsimmo libri mei umbUico {quantwm paginae 
scripfae, nondvm impressaa, cEatimare polm) collocandwa 
curavi, eo conatlio, quo provida natura eoli inter planeias 
meditim locmn aasignavii, lU ex ceqao, utrtnque totum opus 
ntmine tuo ilhiatraretur. 

Deus te tuaanque eonjugem non magia naialiwm ^lendore, 
quam propriif virtvt^ma apedaiilem eouaque proiegat, dam 
t» dubiwn venerii longiorve cm be(Uior veaira vita sk 

lATELY infonnation was g^ven to the 
king's council, that much costly fur- 
niture which wa8 embezzled might 
very seasonably (such the king's pre- 
sent occasions) and profitably be reco- 
vered ; for private men's halls were hung with altar- 
cloths, their tables and beds covered with copes 
instead of carpets and coverlets. Many drank at 
their daily meals in chalices ; and no wonder if, in 
proportion, it came to the share of their horses to 
be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if 
first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title 


of Britain, 


unto them, seizing on them was generally the price a. d. 15^2. 

they had paid for them. Now, although four years '. — 1 

were elapsed since the destruction of colleges and 
chantries, and much of the best church ornaments 
was transported beyond the seas, yet the privy 
council thought this very gleaning in the stubble 
would richly be worth the while, and that on strict 
inquisition they should retrieve much plate in specie, 
and more money for moderate fines of offenders 
herein. Besides, whereas parish churches had still 
many rich ornaments left in the custody of their 
wardens, they resolved to convert what was super- 
fluous or superstitious to the king's use ; to which 
purpose commissions were issued out to some select 
persons in every county, according to the tenor 
following ^ : 

d The original, under the 
king's hand, was lent me by 
Mr. Thomas Tresham, late of 
Greddington in Northampton- 
shire. [Notwithstanding the 
great alienation of church lands, 
and the stopping of part of the 
revenues of several bishoprics^ 
together with the first-fruits, 
which must have amounted to 
a considerable sum on account 
of the many removals in this 
reign, the king's debts conti- 
nued as oppressive as ever. In 
1551 sir Thomas Gresham was 
sent over to Antwerp to settle 
the king's debts, and to take 
up money there for the pay- 
ment of them. See Strype's 
Mem. II. 323, 344. To liqui- 
date this money and pay his 
debts, which now amounted to 
300^000/., and to raise a fund 
of 50,000/. for contingencies, 
the king devised this course, 


among others : i . To gather 
and coin the church plate ; for 
which purpose this commission 
was issued to several persons 
of eminence in the different 
counties, empowering them to 
take away from the churches 
and convert to the king's use 
all such plate as was more 
than barely necessary for cele- 
brating the communion. At 
this time also^ and for the same 
purpose, the king resolved to 
sell the belLmetal and the 
lands of certain chantries, col- 
leges, and houses. See Strype's 
Mem. II. 34j. And this was 
the reason why the promises 
under which this bill passed 
were never made good ; for the 
preamble of the bill set forth, 
** that since the converting 
" these [the chantry lands] to 
'^ godly uses, such as the en- 
'* dowing of schools, provisions 


The Church History 


A.v.isB^'** Instructions given by the Kimfs Majesty to his 

'■ — - " right trusty and welUbeloved Comin and Coun- 

" seUoT the Marquis of Northampton *, and to the 
" rest of his Highness" Commissioners appointed for 
** the Survey of Church Goods within his Majesty^ s 
" County of Northampton ^. 

" Edward. 
" First, upon the receipt of the same commission 
" by any one of the same commissioners, he that so 
" shall first receive the commission shall forthwith, 
" with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the 
" rest named in the same commission, and with 
" them shall agree to meet and assemble with that 
" speed they can for the execution of the same 
" commission and these instructions. And if any of 
" the said commissioners shall be dead, sick, or 
otherwise be so absent out of the country for the 
service of the king, that he cannot with speed 
" attend the same in that case, the rest of the 
** same commissioners, so that they be to the nimiber 



" for the poor, and the aug- 
'' menting of places in the 
*• universities, could not be 
'* done by parliament, they 
'* therefore committed it to 
*' the care of the king." And 
they proceed to state that they 
put him in possession of these 
lands and revenues, '* and ap- 
point these to be converted 
to the maintenance of gram- 
mar schools or preachers, and 
** for the increase of vicarages." 
See Burnet, II. 95. " Thus" 
(to use honest Strype's words) 
•* did this young prince mind 




" his royal estate, and look 
•' after his treasure, as knowing 
** it the very nerves and mar- 
** row of the flourishing con- 
" dition of a kingdom." lb. 347. 
See also the account of the 
selling of rectories, in Strype, 
ib. 362.] 

e [William Parr, brother to 
queen Katharine, and a great 
favourite with Edward VI. 
Strype's Mem. II. 273.] 

^ [This commission was re- 
solved upon 21st April, 1552. 
See king Edward's Journal, 

CENT. XVI. ofBritaifis 99 

^* appointed by the commission, shall not make a. 0.1551. 
" any delay from the proceeding in the same com- _J — 1 
" mission, but shall forthwith allot their sittings, 
** assemblies, and meetings for the same commission, 
" as in like cases hath been or shall be meet to be 
*' used. 

" Item, For their better and more certain pro- 
" ceeding, the said commissioners shall, in such 
** cases where none of the commissioners be cu^os 
•* rottdorum of that county, ne hath been since the 
" beginning of our reign, command the said custos 
** rottdorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the 
" peace of those parts, to bring or send unto them 
" such books, registers, and inventories, as hath 
•* heretofore anywise come to their hands, by inden- 
** ture, touching the sums, numbers, and values of 
« any goods, plate, jewels, vestments and bells, or 
" omam^its of any churches, chapels, and such -like. 
** And likewise the said commissioners shall send to 
^* the bishops of every diocese wherein the said 
" county is situate, or to their chancellors, commis- 
** saries, or other ecclesiastical officers, in whose 
hands or custody Hie like of the aforesaid inven- 
tones «id registers hare command of them, and 
every of them, they shall receive and take the 
said books, registers, and inventories. And that 
** done, the said commissioners shall compare both 
« the same inventories ; that is to say, as well such 
*• as they shall receive and take of the custos rottc- 
** lorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the peace, 
as of the bishops or other under-officers, and 
according to the best, richest, and greatest inven- 
** tories of the said commissioners shall proceed to 
•* make their survey and inquiry ; and by the same 

H 2 



100 The Church History book vii. 

^^S'.US*** make the searches of the defaults and wants that 

6 Ed. VI. 

" shall be found. And generally the same com- 

" missioners shall, pot only by the view of the said 
" registers and inventories, but also by any other 
" means they can better devise, proceed to the due 
" search and inquisition of the wants and defaults 
" of any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, vest- 
" ments, bells, or ornaments. 

Itemy For the more speedy obtaining of the said 

registers and inventories, the said commissioners 

shall receive special letters of commandment from 

" our privy council for the delivery thereof, which 

** letters the said commissioners shall deliver as they 

" shall see occasion. 

" Item, The said commissioners shall, upon their 
" view and sujryey taken, cause due inventories to 
** be made, by bills or books indented, of all manner 
" of goods, plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments as yet 
remaining, or anjrwise forthcoming and belonging 
to any churches, chapels, fraternities, or gilds ; 
" and the one part of the same inventories to send 
" and return to our privy council, and the other to 
" deliver to them in whose hands the said goods, 
" plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments shall remain to 
" be kept preserved. And they shall also give good 
" charge and order that the same goods and every 
" part thereof be at all times forthcoming to be 
" answered, leaving nevertheless in every parish 
" church or chapel of common resort one, two, or 
" more chalices or cups, according to the multitude 
" of the people in every such church or chapel, and 
" also such other ornaments as by their discretion 
" shall seem requisite for the divine service in every 
" such place for the time. 


9ENT. xvx. of Britain. 101 

** And because we be infonned that in many A- 1>. 1552. 

" places great quantities of the said plate, jewels, '■ — '- 

" bells, and ornaments be embezzled by certain 
** private men, contrary to our express eommand- 
" ments in that behalf; the said commissioners shall 
** substantially and justly inquire and attain the 
" knowledge thereof, by whose default the same is 
" and hath been, and in whose hands any part of 
*' the same is come. And in tliat point the said 
commissioners shall have good regard that they 
attain to certain names and dwelling-places of 
every person and persons that hath sold, alienated, 
" embezzled, taken or carried away, and of such 
** also as have counselled, advised, and commanded 
" any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells, 
** vestments, and ornaments to be taken or carried 
" away, or otherwise embezzled. And these things 
" they shall, as certainly and duly as they can, cause 
" to be searched and understand. 

" Upon a full search and inquiry whereof, the 
" said commissioners, four or three of them, shall 
" cause to be called before them, also the persons by 
" whom any of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells, 
ornaments, or any other the premises, have been 
alienated, embezzled, or taken away ; or by whose 
means or procurement the same or any part 
thereof hath been attempted ; or to whose hands 
or use any of the same or any profit of the same 
hath grown ; and by such means as to their dis- 
*' cretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into 
** their the said commissioners' hands, to our use, 
** the said plate, jewels, bells, and other the premises 
•* 80 alienated, or the true and just value thereof, 
** certifying unto our privy council the names of all 

H 3 

102 7%e Church Histort/ book vii. 

A.D. 155a," gxich as refuse to stand to or obey their order 

6 Ed. VI. •' 

" touching the redelivery and restitution of the 

" same, or the just value thereof : to the intent that 
•* as cause and reason shall require every man may 
answer to his doings in this behalf. 
" Finally, our pleasure is that the said commis- 
sioners in all their doings shall use such sober 
and discreet manner of proceeding, as the effect 
** of this commission may go forward with as much 
" quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet 
** of the multitude as may be, using to that end such 
*^ wise persuasions in all places of their sessions as 
^ in respect of the place and disposition of the 
" people may seem to their wisdoms most expe- 
dient ; giving also good and substantial order for 
the stay of the inordinate and greedy covetous- 
** ness of such disordered people as have or shall go 
** about the alienating of any the premises ; so as, 
according to reason and order, such as have or 
t shall contemptuously offend in this behalf may 
receive reformation, as for the quality of their 
** doings shall be requisite." 

In pursuance of these their instructions, the king's 
commissioners in their respective counties recovered 
much, and discovered more, of church wealth and 
ornaments ; for some were utterly embezzled by 
persons not responsible, and there the king must 
lose his right ; more were concealed by parties not 
detectable, so cunningly they carried their stealths, 
seeing every one who had nimmed a church-bell 
did not ring it out for all to hear the sound 
thereof. Many potent persons, well known to have 
such goods, shuffled it out with their greatness. 



CENT. XVI. of Britain, 108 

mutually conniTed at therein by their equals, fellow- a. d. 155a. 

•^ J ^ 6 Ed. VI. 

offenders in the same kind. However, the commis- 
sioners regained more than they expected, consider- 
ing the distance of time and the cold scent they 
followed so many years after the dissolution. This 
plate and other church utensils were sold, and ad- 
vanced much money to the exchequer. An author fif 
telleth us, that, amongst many which they found, 
they left but one silver chalice to every church; 
too narrow a proportion to populous parishes, where 
they ought have left two at the least, seeing, for 
expedition-sake at great sacraments, the minister at 
once delivereth the wine to two communicants. 
But they conceived one cup enough for a small 
parish, and that greater and richer were easily able 
to purchase more to themselves. 

2. All this income rather stayed the stomach Durham 
than satisfied the hunger of the king's exchequer ; diLdv^ 
for the allaying whereof, the parliament, now sitting, 
conferred on the crown the bishopric of Durham. 
This may be called the English Herbipolis or Wurtz- 
burg, it being true of both, 

Drmehnia sola^ jvdicat erne et stola. 

The bishop whereof was a palatine or secular prince, 
and his seal in form resembleth royalty in the 
roundness thereof, and is not oval, the badge of 
plain episcopacy. Rich and entire the revenues of 
this see, such as alone would make a considerable 
addition to the crown ; remote the situation thereof, 
out of southern sight, and therefore, if dissolved, the 
sooner out of men's minds. Besides, Cuthbert Tun- 

9 Sir John Hayward, [Life of Edward VI. 373.] 

H 4 


The Church HisttiTy 

BOOK ni. 

A. D. 1551. stall, the present bishop of Durham, was in durance^ 

'- — ^and deprived for his obstinacy*; so that so stubborn 

a bishop gave the state the fairer quarrel with so 
rich a bishopric \ now annexed to the king's 
revenue I 

h [He was taken from his 
house *' by Colharbard, in 
'• Thames Street," 20th Dec. 
1 55 1 » and sent to the Tower. 
Stow, 607.] 

i [Oct. II, 1552. King Ed- 
ward's Journal, 95.] 

^ Yet the duke of North- 
umberland either was or wa» 
to be possessor thereof. [See 
Burnet, II. 401.] 

' [Burnet says that the ac- 
count of the suppression of 
this bishopric has been much 
misrepresented, and quotes the 
preamble of the act for its dis- 
solution, which would make it 
appear that it was the intention 
of the council that as the com- 
pass of that bishopric was so 
large, "extending to so many 
'* shires so far distant, that 
" it could not be sufficiently 
•* served by one bishop, to have 
" two bishoprics for that dio- 
" cese, the one at Duresme, 
" which should have 2000 
" marks revenue, and another 
" at Newcastle, which should 
'* have 1000 marks revenue j 
^' and also to found a cathedral 
•* church at Newcastle, with a 
" deanery and chapter, out of 
*• the revenues of the bishop- 
" ric.*' II. 443. As however, 
in the May following, the tem- 
poralities were turned into a 
county palatine, and bestowed 
upon the duke of Northumber- 
land, we may well doubt whe. 

ther the act above recited was 
ever seriously intended to be 
carried into effect. Every 
thing almost which tended to 
the external prosperity of the 
church was rendered ineffectual 
by overruling statesmen and 
the mixing up of laymen in 
ecclesiastical commissions. The 
chantry lands were given away, 
prebends were bestowed on 
noblemen who never entered 
into orders, (Burnet, II. 442. 
Strype's Mem. II. (283,) 280,) 
six of the best were promised 
in the early part of this reign 
to the duke of Somerset, (Bur- 
net, II. 14,) the see of Glou- 
cester was annihilated and 
converted into an exempted 
archdeaconry, (ib. II. 418;) 
whilst Ponet from Winchester, 
(Strype's Mem. II. 526,) and 
Hooper from Worcester, re- 
ceived only a certain annuity 
out of the regular incomes of 
their sees. To Aldrich, bishop 
of Carlisle, the king gave 
license, in 1550, to sell to lord 
Clinton his lordship of Horn- 
castle, Overcompton, Nether- 
compton, Ashby, Marning, 
Wilsby, Haltam, Conesby, 
Bough ton, Thimelby, Morley, 
Moram, and Endesby^ at one 
time ; and shortly after granted 
to the same lord a lease for 
200/. a year upon the bishop 
of Hereford's house in London. 
Strype's Mem. II. 23a. From 


of Britain, 


8. Well it was for this see, thouffh dissolved, that a. d. 1552. 

6 Ed VI 

the lands thereof were not dispersed by sale unto \ — L 

several persons, but preserved whole and entire, as ^^^^^ 
to the main, in the crown. Had such a dissipation 3V®«" 

* Mary. 

of the parts thereof been made, no less than a state 
miracle had been requisite for the recollection 
thereof. Whereas now, within two years after, 
queen Mary restored Tunstall to this bishopric, and 
this bishopric to itself, resettling all the lands on the 

4. By this time, such learned men as were em- a wood, 
ployed by the king to reform the ecclesiastical laws ^wem^, 
had brought their work to some competent perfec- ^*^® 
tion. Let me enlarge myself on this subject of canons. 
concernment, for the reader's satisfaction. When 
the pope had engrossed to his courts the cognizance 
of all causes which either looked, glanced, or pointed 

the same ivriter we learn that 
thirty.four rich manors were 
alienated from the see of Lin- 
cohi, whilst Holbeach was its 
bishop, '^ a true favourer of the 
" g08pel/'(saysStrype,ib.463;) 
and uiat Veysey^ the bishop of 
Exeter, the revenues of whose 
see was valued in the king's book 
at 15652. 1 3 J. 6%d., so impaired 
his bishopric by dishonest prac- 
tices, as that it was valued only 
at gooZ. in the time of his 
successor. Strype's Mem. II. 
277. See also pp.361, 217, 

No wonder that the pastoral 
function found but little en- 
couragement in such a state of 
things, and that the clergy 
were compelled to betake 
themselves to mean employ. 

ments, in order to obtain a 
bare subsistence; ''so that at 
" that time," as Burnet states, 
** many clergymen were car- 
" penters and tailors, and some 
** kept alehouses." Ref.II. 41 7. 
Had this reign extended to 
many more years, ^vith the 
same fatal success against the 
church, when prebendal stalls 
were turned into stables for 
the king's use, (see Strype's 
Grindd, 5, and Mem. II. 63,) 
and church lands and plates 
were the usueJ rewards of 
griping courtiers, the church, 
which has not to this day reco- 
vered from the ill effects of the 
wounds it then received, must 
in all human probability have 
sunk under such repeated 

106 Tke Church History book vii. 

^eEd^vV^^ the least degree at what was reducible to religion, 
he multiplied laws to magnify himself; whose prin- 
cipal design therein was not to make others good, 
but himself great ; not so much to direct and defend 
the good, to restrain and punish the bad, as to en- 
snare and entangle both: for such the number of 
their Clementines, Sextines, Intra- and Extravagants,. 
provincials, synodals, glosses, sentences, chapters, 
summaries, rescripts, breviaries, long and short cases, 
&c., that none could carry themselves so cautiously 
but would be rendered obnoxious, and caught within 
the compass of offending. Though the best was, 
for money they might buy the pope's pardon, and 
thereby their own innocence. 
Two and 5. Hereupon, when the pope's power was banished 
laton of out of England, his canon law, with the numerous 
^^canon j^^^j^ ^^^ brauchos thereof, lost its authority in the 

king's dominions. Yet, because some gold must be 

presumed amongst so much dross, grain amongst so 

much chaff, it was thought fit that so much of the 

canon law should remain as was found conformable to 

the word of God and laws of the land ; and therefore 

king Henry the Eighth was empowered by act of 

parliament to elect two and thirty able persons to 

reform the ecclesiastical laws, though in his reign 

very little to good purpose was performed thei'ein. 

Contracted 6. But the design was more effectually followed 

ki^^Ed-^ in the days of king Edward the Sixth, reducing the 

^^*^® number of two and thirty to eight, thus mentioned 

in his letters-patents dated at Westminster the last 

year, November 11°^: 

^ [Burnet, II. 404, III. 398.] 





Thomas Cranmer, of Canterbur)'. 
Thomas Goodrich, of Ely. 

Peter Martyr. Richard Cox. 

Cicilimis and Canonists. 

Dr. William May. 

Dr. Rowland Taylor, of Iladley. 

Common Lawyei's. 
John Lucas, esq. Richard Goodrick, esq. 

It was not only convenient, but necessary, that 
common lawyers should share in making these 
church constitutions, because the same were to be 
built not only sure in themselves, but also symme- 
trical to the municipal laws of the land. Tliese 
eight had power, by the king's patents, to call in to 
their assistance what persons they pleased, and are 
said to have used the pens of sir John Cheke and 
Walter Haddon, doctor in law, to turn their laws 
into Latin °. 

A.D. 155*. 
6 Ed. VI. 

'^ [A design for refonning 
the canon law was entertained 
as early as the year 1 544, when 
Cranmer obtained an act em- 
powering the king to name, for 
his life, sixteen spiritual and 
sixteen temporal persons^ to 
examine all canons and consti- 
tutions, &c., and to draw up 
such ecclesiastical laws as they 
might deem fitting for the spi- 
ritual courts. In conformity 
with this^ a letter was framed 
ready for the king's signature^ 

but which, from some reason 
now unknown, was neyer 
signed. See Strype's Cran. 
190-2, and 778. Again, in 
1549, the same subject was 
apparently taken up ; but no- 
thing was done till 155 1, when 
a commission was issued em- 
powering eight bishops, eight 
divines, eight civil and eight 
common lawyers, (afterwards 
reduced to eight,) who per- 
formed the work, which was 
revised by the archbishop. The 

108 The Church History book vii. 

A. D. i5s». 7. However, these had only a preparing, no con- 

1 eluding power ; so that, when they had ended their 

w*not work, two things were wanting to make these eccle- 
8*?™!^ siastical canons (thus by them composed) have the 
authority, validity of laws : first, an exact review of them by 
others, to amend the mistakes therein ; as where they 
call the Common Prayer-Book then used in England 
proprium et perfectum omnis divini cultus judicem et 
magistrum^^ a title truly belonging only to the scrip- 
ture ; secondly, a royal ratification thereunto, which 
this king (prevented by death) nor any of his succes- 
sors ever stamped upon it. Indeed, I find in an 
author?, (whom I am half-ashamed to allege,) that 
" Doctor Haddon, anno 12 or 13 Elizabeth, delivered 
" in parliament a Latin book concerning church dis- 
" cipline, written in the days of king Edward the 
" Sixth, by Mr. Cranmer and sir John Cheke, fee," 
which could be no other than this lately mentioned ; 
" which book was committed by the house, to be 
" translated, unto the said Mr. Haddon, Mr. George 
" Bromley, Mr. Norton, &c.," I conceive into Eng- 
lish again ; and never after can I recover any men- 
tion thereof, save that some thirteen years since it 
was printed in London ^. 
A silent 8. A parliament was called in the last of this 
tion. king's reign, wherein no church matter was med- 
dled with, save that therein a subsidy granted by 

result of their labours was pub- II. 303.] 

lished by archbishop Parker, o DeDivinisOfficiis, cap. i6, 

into whose hands the MS. came, [p- 9 1^ ed. 1640.] 

in the year 1571, under the p John Penri, at the end of 

title of " Reformatio legum his preface to his book, enti- 

" Ecclesiasticarum/'&c, which tied "Reformation no Enemy 

was again reprinted in 1640. *' to her Majesty," [ed. 1590.] 

See Strype's Cran. 388. Mem. <1 Anno 1640, 

GfiVT. XTi. of Britain. 109 

the clergy was confirmed; such monies being the ^-^ '^53- 

legacy, of course, which all parliaments (fairly com- 

ing to a peaceable end) bequeath to their sovereign. 
As for the records of this convocation, they are but 
one degree above blanks, scarce affording the names 
of the clerks assembled therein. Indeed, they had 
no commission from the king to meddle with church 
business ; and every convocation in itself is bom 
deaf and dumb, so that it can neither hear com- 
plaints in religion, nor speak in the redress thereof, 
till first Ephphathd, Be thou opened, be pronounced 
unto it by commission from royal authority. 

9. Now, the true reason why the king would not The true 
entrust the diffiisive body of the convocation with a thereof. 
power to meddle with matters of religion, was a 

just jealousy which he had of the ill affection of 
the major part thereof, who under the fair rind of 
Protestant profession had the rotten core of Romish 
fTuperstition. It was therefore conceived safer for 
the king to rely on the ability and fidelity of some 
select confidants, cordial to the cause of religion, 
than to adventure the same to be discussed and 
decided by a suspicious convocation. 

10. However, this barren convocation is entitled Forty two 

iti A»"i f •v\ •%* • It* Articles of 

the parent of those Articles of Religion (forty-two RebgiBn, 
in number) which are printed with this preface, king's Ca- 
Arliculi de quihus in synodo Londinensi^ Anno^^"^^^^' 
Domini 1552, inter episcopoSy et alios eruditos vivos 
convenerat^. With these was bound a Catechism, 
younger in age, (as bearing date of the next year,) 

' [These are printed in WiU collated with the Articles of 
kins, IV. 73; in English by 1562, Coll. II. App. 75; as also 
Burnet, II. ii. 297, and Collier, in Heylyn's Hist, of Ref. app.] 

110 The Church History book vii. 

A.D. 1553. but of the same extraction, relating to this convo- 
'• — ^ cation, as author thereof. Indeed it was first com- 

piled (as appears by the king's patent prefixed) by a 

single divine, charactered pious and learned % but 

afterwards perused and allowed by the bishops and 

other learned men, (understand it, the convocation,) 

and by royal authority commended to all subjects, 

commanded to all schoolmasters to teach it their 


Conaented H. Yet very few in the convocation ever saw it, 

consented much less explicitly consented thereunto ; but these 

TOn^)ca! had formerly, it seems, passed over their power (I 

^^ should be thankful to him who would produce the 

original instrument thereof) to the select divines 

appointed by the king, in which sense they may be 

said to have done it themselves by their delegates, 

to whom they had deputed their authority : a case 

not so clear but that it occasioned a cavil at the 

next convocation, in the first of queen Mary *, when 

the papists therein assembled renounced the legality 

of any such former transactions "* 

The death Procious king Ed Ward the Sixth now changed his 
waixTuie crown of gold for one of glory. We will something 
WM noTcut ^^IS'^ge ourselves, to give posterity his true charac- 
^\h^^" ter, never meeting more virtues in so few years. 
beUy, as is For his birth, there goeth a constant tradition that, 
reported. CsBsar-like, he was cut out of the belly of his 

« *' A pio quodam et erudito " [Neither these Articles 

" viro conscripta," in the king's nor the Catechism were ever 

patent. [Probably Ponet or approved by convocation, al- 

Nowell. It is printed in Wil- though Cranmer endeavoured 

kins, IV. 79.] to have them enforced. See 

t See more thereof in the Burnet, III. Coll. p. 202, fol. 

next year. ed. Heylyn*s Ref. p. 120.] 


of Britain. 


moth^, Jane Seymour*; though a great person ofA.D.1553. 

honour, deriving her intelligence mediately from '—^ 

such as were present at her labour, assured me of 
the contrary. Indeed, such as shall read the calm 
and serene style of that letter which I have seen 
written (though not by) for that queen, and signed 
with her own signet after her delivery, cannot con- 
jecture thence that any such violence was offered 
unto her. But see the letter y : 

By the Queen. 
" Bight trusty and welbeloved, we greet youQ^een 
** well ; and forasmuch as by the inestimable good- ter, after 
" nesse and grace of Almighty God, we be delivered very, to the 
" and brought in childe-bed of a prince, conceived J^unc^L *^ 
in most lawfiiU matrimony, between my lord the 
kings majestie and us : doubting not but that for 
the love and affection which ye bear unto us, and 


^ [Tliis opinion that Edward 
the Sixth's birth was not ef- 
fected by the Csesarean opera- 
tion, is rendered more probable 
when it is considered that queen 
Jane survived her delivery at 
least twelve days. See the 
note, p. 645, and Strype's Mem. 
II. 6. The editor of the State 
Papers {vol. I. p. 573) observes 
that " in a despatch to the am- 
*' bassadors of France, (which 
** will be hereafter published,) 
** her death is distinctly as- 
" cribed to her having been 
*' saffered to take cold, and to 
*• eat improper food." This 
accords with the account given 
by Leland, in his " Genethlia- 
" con Edvardi Principis Cam. 
'* briae," which was published 

in 1543 ' 


Cruciatus acerbus 

Distorsit vacuum letali tormine 

Frigora crediderim temere con" 

tracta fuisse 
In causa ; superat vis morbi/* ^c. 

According to Strype, in his 
review of sir J. Hayward's Life 
of Edward VI., (Mem. II. 473,) 
this story of Edward's being 
brought into the world by sur- 
gical art, and by the sacrifice of 
his mother's life, was invented 
by Nicholas Saunders, the Je- 
suit, from whom it was bor- 
rowed by sir J. Hay ward, and 
adopted in his Life of Edward. 
See Kennet's History of Eng- 
land, II. p. 273.] 

y [Cotton MSS. Nero, C. x. 
p. I. compared with the ori- 


The Church History 





A.D. 1553. « to the commonwealth of this realm, the knowledge 

" thereof should be joyous and glad tidings unto 

" you, we have thought good to certifie you of the 
** same, to the intent ye might not onely render 
" unto God eondigne thanks and praise for so great 
a benefice, but also continually pray for the long 
continuance and preservation of the same here in 
this life, to the honour of God, joy and pleasure 
" of my lord the king and us, and the universall 
" weal, quiet, and tranquility of this whole realm. 

" Given under our signet, at my lords manour of 
** Hampton Court, the XII. day of October*," [1537.] 

And although this letter was soon after seconded 
with another of a sadder subject*, here inserted, 
subscribed by all the king's physicians, yet neither 
doth that so much as insinuate any impression of 

z [The date of this letter 
must be either the 1 7th, which 
is the first Wednesday after the 
1 2th of Oct. 1537, or the 24th 
of Oct., which will be the Wed- 
nesday following. The latter 
date is adopted by Strype, 
(Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 5,) fol- 
lowing a MS. in the Heralds' 
College ; and by the editor of 
the State Papers, vol. i. p. 572. 
Hall and the other chroniclers 
fix her death on the 14th, but 
this may easily be a misprint 
for 24; and it is not at all 
unusual for these chroniclers, 
when copying from some ear- 
lier historian, to transcribe even 
his misprints. In support of 
the opinion of Strype, there is 
printed in the State Papers 
(ib. p. 573) a letter from sir 
J. Russell to Cromwell, dated 

24th of Oct., in which the 
writer says: " Sir, the king 
" was determined as this day 
*' to have removed to Asher ; 
*' and because the queen was 
" very sick this night and this 
" day, he tarried ; but tomor- 
'* row, God willing, he intend- 
" eth to be there. If she 
" amend, he will go ; and if 
" she amend not, he told me 
" this day he could not find in 
" his heart to tarry, for I en- 
" sure you she hath been in 
** great danger yesternight and 
" this day, but thanked be God 
** she is somewhat amended ; 
" and if she scape this night, 
" the physicians be in good 
'' hope that she is past all 
*' danger." 

* Ibid. p. 2. See also State 
Papers, vol. I. p. 572.] 


CENT. XVI. of Britain, 113 

violence on her person, as hastening her death, but a. 0.1553. 

seems rather to cast the cause thereof on some other '■ — - 


" These shall be to advertise your lordship of the a sadder 
" queens estate. Yesterday afternoon she had a her phyw- 
** natural lax, by reason whereof she began some- 2^^,"°*^ 
what to lighten, and, as it appeared, to amend, 
and so continued till toward night. All this night 
** she hath been very sick, and doth rather appare 
" than amend. Her confessour hath been with her 
grace this morning, and hath done that to his 
office appertaineth, and even now is preparing to 
minister to her grace the sacrament of unction. 
" At Hampton Court this Wednesday morning, at 
" viii. of the clock. 

" Your lordships at commandement, 

" Thomas Rutland. 
" Robert Carliolen. 
" Edward Bayntun. 
" John Chambre, priest. 
" William Butt. 
" George Owen^." 

Impute we here this extreme unction adminis- 
tered to her, partly to the over-officiousness of some 
superstitious priest, partly to the good lady's inabi- 
lity, perchance insensible what was done unto her in 
such extremity; otherwise we are confident that 
her judgment, when in strength and health, dis- 

'^ [From the Cotton MSS. edition, which led Fuller into 

NerOt C. x. p. 2. The signa- the error of supposing that all 

tures to this letter were printed the names were those of the 

very incorrectly in the former king*s physicians.] 


114 TJie Church History book vii. 

A. D. 1553. liked such practices^ being a zealous Protestant^: 

1 1 which unction did her as little good as the twelve 

masses said for her soul in the city of London at 
the commandment of the duke of Norfolk, whether 
he did it to credit their religion with the counte- 
nance of so great a convert, or did it out of the 
nimiety of his own love and loyalty to the queen, 
expressing it according to his own judgment, without 
the consent, if not against the will, of the queen's 
nearest kindred. 
Prince Ed- 12. But, leaving the mother, let us come to the 

wardiiness SOU, who, as he saith of himself in the manuscript of 
m earning, j^.^ j.^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ g^^ ^.^ years bred and brought 

up amongst the women, and then consigned to mas- 
culine tuition under doctor Richard Cox and sir 
John Cheke, who taught him Latin, and John Bel- 
main, whdT instructed him in the French tongue ^. 
How great and sudden his proficiency in learning 
was, will appear by this letter, written with his own 
hand to his father, when about eight years old. 
And although some may cavil this letter not to be 
the prince's, but Choke's or Cox's in the prince, yet 
the very matter and style will attest it the genuine 
issue of his infant genius. 

His letter " LitersB moae semper habent unum argumentum, 

fether. °^' " rex nobilissime, atque pater illustrissime, id est, 

" in omnibus epistolis ago tibi gratias pro beneficen- 

" tia tua erga me maxima. Si enim ssepius multo 

c [Probably unction was ad- church were used, as may be 

ministered in this instance by seen in the account given of it 

order of Henry. In the cele- by Strype, Mem. II. 6, 7. See 

bration of her funeral many also State Papers, p. 574.] 
ceremonies of the Romish ^ [Burnet, II. ii. 5.] 

CBNT. XVI. of Britain, 115 

"* ad te literas exararem, nuUo tamen quidem modoA.p. 1553- 

, ,. 7 Ed. VI. 

" potui pervenire officio literarum ad magnitudinem 

" benignitatis tuse erga me. Quia enim potuit com- 
^* pensare beneficia tua erga me ? Nimirum nullus 
" qui non est tarn magnus rex ac nobilis princeps, 
'* ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem 
" pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mibi, quod 
'^ fiusis mihi, quae nuUo modo compensare possim, 
'* Bed tamen adnitar, et faciam quod in me est, ut 
" placeam majestati tuse, atque precabor Deum, ut 
•* diu te servet incolumem. Vale rex nobilissime 
** atque pater illustrissime. 

^ Majestati tuse obsequentissimus filius, 

'^ Edouardus princeps ^- 

" Hatfeldiae, vicesimo septimo Septembris." 

With the increase of his age his writing was Another to 
improved, both in the letter, matter, and phrase tS'i^j "" 
thereof, as appeareth by what he wrote in Latin ^*"'' 
some months after, to his mother-in-law, queen 
Katherine Parr, in thankfulness for the new year's 
gift (the king's and her own picture) she had sent 
unto him. One may charitably believe that so 
learned a lady understood the letter without an 
interpreter; but sure it is she communicated the 
same to the king, who joyfully accepted thereof ^ 

" Quod non ad te jam diu scripserim, rcgina 
^ illustrissima, atque mater charissima, in causa 
*' fiut, non negligentia, sed studium. 

" Non enim hoc feci, ut nunquam omnino scribe- 
" rem, sed ut accuratius scriberem. Quare spero 

« Cotton Lib. [ibid. p. 3.] <" Cotton Lib. [ib. p. 5.] 


116 The Church History book tii. 

A.D. 1553.^* te futuram contentam et gavisuram, quod non 
^ ' ' ** scripserim. Tu enim velles me proficere in omni 
^^ honestate et pietate, quod est signum insignis et 
^^ diutumi tui amoris erga me. Atque hunc amorem 
^^ multis beneficiis mihi declarastii et praeoipue hac 
^* strena, quam proximo ad me misisti, in qua regiae 
*' majestatis, et tua effigies ad vivum expressa oon- 
'' tinetur. Nam plurimum me delectat vestras ima- 
*^ gines absentium contemplari, quos lubentissime 
^* videre cupio praesentes, ac quibus maxime turn 
'^ natura, tum officio devinctus sum. Quamobrem 
^^ majores tibi gratias ago, ob banc strenam quam si 
^' misisses ad me preciosas vestes, et aurum cselatum, 
'^ aut quidvis aliud eximium. Deus tuam celsitu- 
" dinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet inco- 
" lumem. 

^* Filius celsitudini tuse obsequentissimus, 

" Edouaedus princeps. 

^' Hartfordise, decimo Januarii." 

A letter to Now OUT hand is in^ but one letter more, (but in 
HaiXd. <l&te some months before the last,) to his uncle, earl 
of Hartford*^, and we have done; for if papists 
superstitiously preserve the fingers, teeth, yea, locks 
of hair of their pretended saints, wander not if I 
prize the smallest relics of this gracious prince^ 
never as yet presented to public view. 

'^ Natura movet me ut recorder tui avuneule 
^^ charissime, etsi negotia tua impediunt te ne videas 
*' me, ideo do lit^ras ad te, quae literee ferent tes- 
^^ timonium recordationis mesD, quam habeo de te. 

» [Edward Seymour.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 117 

•* Quod si haberem ullum melius monumentiimA.D. 1553. 

** benevolentise meae erga te, quam literae sunt, illud 

^ ad te mitterem. Puto autem te accepturum literas 
meas bene, non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro 
benevolentia soriptoris. Et tu non eris adeo laetus 
in accipiendis Uteris a me, ut ego gaudebo, si 
^ intellexero te in bonam partem accepisse illas, 
^ quod puto te facturum. Optime valeas in Christo 
" Jesu K 

** E. Prineeps. 

** Hunsdonise, octavo Novembris/' 

Such was the piety of this young prince, thatAninstance 
being about to take down something which was '^^^* 
above his reach, one of his playfellows proffered him 
a bossed-plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten 
him to take what he desired. Perceiving it a Bible, 
with holy indignation he refiised it, and sharply 
reproved the offerer thereof; it being unfit he should 
trample that under his feet which he was to treasure 
up m his head and heart. How many nowadays, 
unable in themselves to achieve their own wicked 
ends, make God's word their pedestal, that standing 
thereon they may be not the holier, but the higher, 
and the better advantaged, by abusing a piety, to 
attain their own designs. 

15« When crovmed king, his goodness increased And an ex- 
with his greatness; constant in his private devotions, ^ of tibe^ 
and as successful as fervent therein, witness this^J^^^*^ 
particular: sir John Cheke, his schoolmaster, fellP^y®^- 
desperately sick ; of whose condition the king care- 
fully inquired every day. At last his physicians told 

^ [Cotton Lib. ib. p. 7.] 

118 The Church History book vii. 

^•^'55^3- him that there was no hope of his life, being given 

over by them for a dead man. " No," saith king 

Edward, "he will not die at this time; for this 
" morning I begged his life from God in my prayers, 
" and obtained it." Which accordingly came to 
pass, and he soon after, against all expectation, won- 
derfully recovered. This was attested by the old 
earl of Huntingdon ^ bred up in his childhood with 
king Edward, unto sir Thomas Cheke, still surviving, 
about eighty years of age. 
His exact 14, jje kept an exact account ^, written with his 

diary. * 

own hand, (and that a very legible one,) of all 
memorable accidents, with the accurate date thereof. 
No high honour was conferred, bishopric bestowed, 
state office disposed of, no old fort repaired, no new 
one erected, no bullion brought in, no great sums 
sent forth of the land, no ambassadors dispatched 
hence, none entertained here ; in a word, no matter 
of moment transacted, but by him, with his own 
hand^ it was recorded : whose notes herein, though 
very particular, are nothing trivial; though short, 
not obscure, as formerly we have made use of some 
of those which concern our history. 
His good 15. Whilst in health, his body was no less active 

archery and • .ji t • .i .i* i • 

quick wit. iH cxerciso than his mmd quick in apprehension. 
To give one instance of both together: one day, 
being shooting at butts, (a manful and healthful 
pastime, wherein he very much delighted,) he hit 
the very mark. The duke of Northumberland^ being 
present, and, as I take it, betting on his side, " Well 
" shot, my liege," quoth he. " But you shot nearer 


Francis Hastings.] Hist, of Ref. II. ii. p. i , sq.] 

Trinted entire by Burnet, 1 [John Dudley.] 


of Britain, 



the mark/' returned the king, " when you shot offA. 0.1553. 

** my good uncle Somerset's head." And it is gene '■ — '- 

rally conceived that grief for his death caused king 
Edward's consumption, who succeeded not to any 
consumptive inclination, as hereditary from his ex- 
traction, from a father but little past, and a mother 
just in the strength of, their age. 

16. However, I find in a popish writer ™, that it An unoer- 

tain report. 

was said "that the apothecary who poisoned him, 
" for the horror of the offence and disquietness of 
" his conscience, drowned himself; and that the 
" laundress which washed his shirt lost the skin of 
" her fingers." But if his history be no better than 
his divinity, we that justly condemn the one can 
do no less than suspect the other. 

17. We will conclude this king's most pious life The prayer 
with that his most devout prayer on his death-bed, ward on his 
which God heard and graciously answered, for the ^ 
good of the church of England °. 

" Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable 
" and v^rretched life, and take me among thy chosen. 
" Howbeit not my will, but thy vdll be done. Lord, 
** I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou 
knowest how happy it were for me to be with 
thee ; yet for thy chosen's sake send me life and 
" health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord 
** God, blesse thy people, and save thine inherit- 



m [Jerusalem and Babel^ or 
the] Image of both Churches, 
p. 423. [Written by P.D.M., 
that is, Matthew JPattison, a 
Romanist. Upon this and other 
reports, see Strype's Mem. II. 


^ Fox, Acts and Monuments^ 

&c., [[II. 787. A Latin version 
of this prayer was published as 
early as the year 1554, by Val. 
PoUanus, in his "Vera expo- 
" sitiodisputationisinstitutsein 
" Synodo Ecclesiastica, Lon- 
"dini, i8th Oct., 1553," ed. 
1554. i2mo.] 

I 4 


The Church History 


A. D. 1553." ance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen people of 

Hf^llll " England. Oh my Lord God, defend this realm 

" from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that 

" I and my people may praise thy holy name, for 

" thy son Jesus Christ's sake ®." 


Opposen of 17. One of the last sermons king Edward heard, 
^^Jturgy^^ preached before him by Hugh Latimer, at what 
time their party began to spread and increase, who 
opposed the Liturgy; witness this passage in his 
sermon p : " I have heard say, when the good queen 
'^ that is gone had ordained in her house daily 
" prayer, both before noon and after noon, the ad- 
" miral getteth him out of the way, like a mole 
" digging in the earth. He shall be Lot's vidfe to 
'' me as long as I live. He was, I heard say, a 
" covetous man, a covetous man indeed : I would 
" there were no more in England. He was, I heard 
" say, an ambitious man : I would there were no 
" more in England. He was, I heard say, a seditious 
" man, a contemner of common prayer : I would 
" there were no more in England. Well ! he is 

o [Fox subjoins, (ibid.) : 
** As the time approached when 
" it pleased Almighty God to 
'* call this young king from us, 
*' which was the sixth day of 
** July, the year above said, 
" about three hours before his 
*' death, this godly child, his 
" eyes being closed, speaking 
" to himself, and thinking none 
'' to have heard him, made 
" this prayer which foUoweth, 
" * Lord God, deliver me/ &c. 
'* Then turned he his face, and 
seeing who was by him, said 
unto them, 'Are ye so nigh? 






I thought ye had been fur. 

ther off/ Then D. Owen 
** said, * We heard you speak 

to yourself, but what you 

said we know not.' He then, 
" after his fashion smilingly, 
" said, ' I was praying to God.* 
" The last words of his pangs 
"were these: 'I am faint; 
" Lord have mercy upon me, 
*^ and take my spirit V "] 

P Latimer's Sermons, printed 
anno 1607, p. 83. [The passage 
occurs in the seventh sermon 
preached before king Edward 
VI., p. 217, ed. 1758.] 


of Britain. 


" eone: I would he had left none like him behind." a. d. 1553. 

A passage so infonnative to the church history of '- — '- 

that age must not pass without some observations 

thereon : 

^^^ fc 

Tke good queen is gme :] This was queen Katharine Parr, 

the relict of king Henry the Eighth, who some two years 

since died in child-bed <i. 

Tls admiral il This was Thomas lord Seymour, her 

GMeik limadf aui of the way :] Here is the question, 
on what terms he absented himself, whether on 


In proof whereof he is 
compared to Lot^s wife, 
which importeth a look- 
ing back and reflection 
on former practice. 

or Nonconformist, 

Bemg termed herein 
seditious, and not super- 
stitious. It intimates 
that a factious principle 
made him distaste the 
Gonunon Prayer. 

A wiUenmer af the Common Prayer y I wish there were no 
more:'\ This probably relates unto a potent party dis- 
aflfected to the Liturgy, which now began to be very con- 
siderable in England, but, if the premises be rightly col- 
lected, much to blame in the judgment of godly master 
Latimer ^ 

18. The dislikers of the Liturgy bare themselves 
high upon the judgment of master Calvin, in his 

4 [She died in September, 
1548, (Stow, 596,) before she 
liadbeen married twelve months, 
not without suspicion of ill- 
usage from her husband, if the 
evidence of lady Tyrwhitt (who 
waa a political tool of North- 
umberland and his party) may 
be relied on. See Hayne's 
State Papers, 103. Burnet, II. 

' [And much blamed by 
Bucer and Peter Martyr. See 
the extracts from their letters 
in Burnet, II. 319. Though no 
inference as to the admiral's 
religious opinions can be drawn 
from this, since both Romanists 
and nonconformists opposed the 
form of Common Prayer then 
in use.] 


The Church History 


A. D. 1553. letter (four years since) to the duke of Somerset, 
-^ — '- — ^lord protector; now no longer a privacy, because 

publicly printed in his Epistles- 
Mn Cai- And yet master Calvin is therein very positive for 
reasons for a sot fonu, whoso words desorve our translation and 
ofTrayen observation": 



Quod ad formulam pre- 
'' cum, et rituum eccle- 
" siasticorum valde pro- 
" bo, ut certa ilia extet, 
'' a qua pastoribus dis- 
" cedere in functione 
'^ sua non liceat, tarn 

1. ut consulatur quorun- 
^' dam simplicitati et 
" imperitise, quam 

^^ 2. ut certius ita constet 
^^ omnium inter se ec- 
^' clesiarum consensus. 
" Postremo etiam 

"3. ut obviam eatur de- 
'^ sultorise quorundam 
" levitati,quinovationes 
" quasdam affectant,— 


Sic igitur, statum esse 
" catechismum oportet, 
'' statam sacramento- 
'' rum admiministratio- 
" nem, publicam item 
" precum formulam *.**" 

8 [In his letter to the pro- 
tector, dated from Geneva, 
22nd Oct. 1546. The passage 
is a connected quotation, though 

" I do highly approve that 
" there should be a cer- 
" tain form of prayer 
'' and ecclesiastical 
" rites, from which it 
" should not be lawful 
" for the pastors them- 
" selves to discede. 

" 1. That provision may 
" be made for some 
" people's ignorance 
'^ and unskilfulness. 
" 2. That the consent of 
all churches amongst 
themselves may the 
" more plainly appear. 
S, That order may be 
taken against the de- 
sultory levity of such 
who delight in inno- 
" vations. 

Thus there ought to be 
'^ an established cate- 
'^ chism, an established 
'' administration of sa- 
craments^ as also a 
publicform of prayer."" 








arranged in separate sentences 
by our author.] 
* Epist. p. 69. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 123 

So that it seems not a form, but this form of a.d. 15 (;3. 
prayer did displease ; and exceptions were taken at -1 — '. — 1- 
certain passages still in the Liturgy, though lately 
reviewed by the bishops, and corrected ". 

19. Whilst mutual animosities were heightened Wanton 

, , /.IT. froward- 

betwixt the opposers and assertors of the Liturgy, ness justly 
Providence put a period, for a time, to that contro- ^^°' 
versy in England. Such who formerly would not, 
soon after durst not, use the Common Prayer ; mass 
and popery being set up by queen Mary in the room 
thereof. Thus when children fall out and fight 
about the candle, the parents, coming in and taking 
it away, leave them to decide the differences in the 

^ [Burnet, II. 319.] 












Mt Lord, 

i HERE is a generation of people in our 
age called Quakers, which they dis- 
claim as a nickname, though I see not 
how handsomely they can waive the 
name whilst they wear the thing, having contracted 

^ [This nobleman was the Rebellion, III. 455. He wna 

son and heir of Robert Gre- the moat violent persecutor of 

Tille, second baron Brooke, the clergy, the bitterest enemy 

notorions for his hostility to of bis sovereign, of any man in 

the church and the throne, who his day ; but whether the son 

met with the death which he followed the father's evil steps, 

descrred at the siege of Lich- I cannot find. Nothing is 

field, in 1643 ; having prayed known of him, except that he 

just before the battle " that if lived and died unmarried. A 

" the cause he followed were lord Brooke is mentioned as 

" not right and just, he might being one of the commissioners 

" be presently cut off; and that sent in 1660 by the lords to 

" he hoped to see the day invite king Charles II. to come 

" when one stone of St. Paul's over to £ngland and exercise 

" church at London should not his kingly office ; who was ei. 

" be left upon another." laud's tber the same as the nobleman 

IVoublea, aoi. Sanderson's here mentioned, or his brother 

Cliarle8,I.p.6i3. Clarendon's who succeeded to die title.] 



a habit of quaking, wherein they delight \ Of their 
practices, no less ridiculous than erroneous, two 
most remarkable : 

First, the casting off of their clothes, which, did 
it not more wound the modesty of others than their 
own, I could wish that their going naked might be 
their punishment for their going naked; that what 
sometimes they affect of fancy should always be 
enjoined them by authority, till the cold converted 
them into more civility. 

In vain do they plead for their practice the 
precedent of the prophet Isaiah going naked for 
three years ^; whose act was extraordinary and 
mystical, having an immediate command from God 
for the same. As well may they, in imitation of 
Hosea ^, take a known harlot to their wives ; which 
I believe they would not willingly do, though they 
have made harlots of other men's wives, if all be 
true reported of them. 

^ [According to Pagitt, a 
writer well acquainted with the 
history of the various sects 
which sprung up in these times, 
quaking was part of the doc- 
trine of James Naylor, the chief 
founder of this sect, who had 
served as a common soldier for 
several years, under general 
Lambert. *' In his Glory of 
** the North," says this writer, 
he cites all the places of the 
scripture which mention ei- 
ther trembling or shaking, 
never so impertinent and far 
" from the purpose : as Ps. 
'* xcix. [i], The Lord reignethy 





" Ut the earth tremble ; cxiv. 
" [7], Tremble thou, earth, at 
*' the presence of the GodqfJa- 
" cob ; Heb. xii. [26], / shake 
** not the earth only, but the hea- 
" vens also; €ren. [xxvii.33], 
" When Isaac blessed his sons, 
"he trembled; &c. 'The holy 
*• men of God/ saith he, * wit- 
'* ness quaking and trembling/ 
" Bateman, a quaker and an 
*' apologist for the sect, repeats 
" many of these places." Here- 
siography, p. 246, ed. 1661.] 

^ Isaiah xx. 3. 

^ Hosea i. a. 


Their other opinion is, that thou and thee is the 
omer of respect to be measured out to every single 
person; allowing the highest no more, the lowest 
no less, be he (to speak in their own phrase *) either 
king, lord, judge, or officer. 

We will take their words asunder, (as the wheels 
of a watch,) only scour them^ and then put them 
together again : 

King] Though none at this present in the land, 
yet because these pretend to a prophetical spirit, 
and there may be one in due time, their words 
are considerable. 

Lord] Here your honour, with those many per- 
sons your peers, are concerned. 

Judge] In this place the shoe pinches them, 
because they bear the sword to punish offenders ^ 

Officers] I suppose either civil or military, if they 
allow of the distinction. 

No mention here of ministers : it seems thou and 
thee is too good language for us, who are Cains, 
and Balaams, and dogs, and devils in their mouths. 
The best is, the sharpest railing cannot pierce where 
guiltiness in the person railed on hath not first 
wimbled a hole for the entrance thereof. 

Their principal argument for their practice is 
drawn from many places in scripture ^, where thou 

c Pamphlet called the Lan- ^ Exod. xxxiii. 12, five times 
guage of Truth, p. 2. in one verse. 

f Rom. xiii. 4. 





and thee are used by God to man, and man to God, 
and man to man, which cannot be denied. 

In opposition whereunto, we maintain that thou 
from superiors to inferiors is proper, as a sign of 
command ; from equals to equals is passable, as a 
note of familiarity ; but from inferiors to superiors, 
if proceeding from ignorance, hath a smack of 
clownishness ; if from affectation, a tang of con- 

But in answer to their objection from scripture, 
we return four things : 

First, thou is not so distasteful a term in Hebrew 
and Greek as it is in the English ; custom of every 
country being the grand master of language, to 
appoint what is honourable and disgraceful therein. 
The Jews had their Raca \ or term of contempt, 
unknown to us; we our thou, a sign of slighting, 
unused by them. 

Secondly, it foUoweth not, because thou and thee 
only are set down, that therefore no other additions 
of honour were then and there given from inferiors 
to their superiors. A negative argument cannot be 
framed in this case, that more respect was not used, 
because no more expressed in scripture ; it being 
the design of histories chiefly to represent the sub- 
stance of deeds, not all verbal formalities. 

Thirdly, what inferiors in scripture wanted in 
words they supplied in postures and gestures of 

h Matt. V. 23. 


submission, even to prostration of their bodies \ 
which would be condemned for idolatry if used in 

Lastly, there are extant in scripture expressions 
of respect, as when Sarah termed her husband lord^ 
which, though but once mentioned in the text, was 
no doubt her constant practice; or else the Holy 
Spirit would not have took such notice thereof, and 
commended it to others' imitation K 

But they follow their argument, urging it unrea- 
sonable that any should refuse that coin in common 
discourse which they in their solemn devotions pay 
to God himself. Thou and Thee are current in the 
prayers of saints clean through the scripture, as also 
in our (late admired) Liturgy : we praise Thee, we 
bless Thee, we worship Thee^ we glorify Thee, we 
give Thee thanks for Th^ great glory ^ 

It is answered, those attributes of greatness, 
goodness, &c. given to God in the beginning of 
every prayer, do virtually and effectually extend and 
apply themselves to every clause therein, though 
for brevity's sake not actually repeated. 

Thus Our Father, in the preface of the Lord's 
Prayer, relateth to every petition therein : Our 
Father, hallowed be thy Name; Our Father, thy 
Kingdom come ; Our Father, thy will be done, &c. 
And this qualifieth the harshness and rudeness of 

* CJen. xxxiii. 3 ; i Kings i. "^ i Pet. iii. 6. 
16, 23 ; as also I Kings xviii. ^ Said or sung after the Com - 
7. munion. 

K 2 


thou^ theCy and tht/, when for expedition and express- 
iveness' sake they are necessarily used. 

Your honour will not wonder at the practice of 
these Quakers, having read in the prophetical epi- 
stles of St. Peter" and St. Jude", (last placed 
because last to be performed,) that towards the end 
of the world some shall not be afraid to speak evil 
of dignities. These fear where no fear is, and 
quake where they need not; but fear not where 
fear is, being bold and impudent where they ought 
not. They are not afraid, not only to speak against 
dignities, (which in some case may be done, where 
they are vicious men,) but against dignities, the 
lawful, useful, needful ordinances of God himself. 

God grant these may seasonably be suppressed, 
before they grow too numerous; otherwise such 
who now quarrel at the honour will hereafter ques- 
tion the wealth of others. Such as now accuse them 
for ambition for being higher, will hereafter con- 
demn them for covetousness, for being broader than 
others ; yea, and produce scripture too, proper and 
pregnant enough for their purpose, as abused by 
their interpretation. In a word, it is suspicious such 
as now introduce thou and thee will, if they can, 
expel mine and thine, dissolving all propriety into 

And now, my lord, how silly a thing is that 
honour which lies at the mercy of such men's 

" 2 Pet. ii. lo. " Jude 8. 


mouths, to tender or deny the same. The best is, 
men's statures are not extended or contracted with 
their shadows, so as to be stretched out into giants 
in the morning, shrunk up into dwarfs at noon, and 
stretched out at m'ght into giants again. Intrin- 
sical worth doth not increase and abate, wax and 
wane, ebb and flow, according to the fancy of others. 
May your lordship therefore labour for that true 
honour which consisteth in virtue, and God's appro- 
bation thereof; which will last and remain, how 
furiously soever the wicked rage, and imagine vain 
things against it. 

Here I presume to present your honour the lives 
and deaths of some worthies, contrary to those 
Quakers in their practice and opinion : I mean the 
martyrs in the reign of queen Mary. These despised 
not their superiors, giving due reverence to those 
who condemned them, honouring lawful authority, 
though unlawfully used; these cast not off their 
clothes, but modestly wore their linen on them 
at their suffering; these counterfeited no corporal 
quaking, (standing as firm as the stake they were 
£EU9tened to,) though in a spiritual sense working 
oat their salvation with fear and trembling : whose 
admirable piety and patience is here recommended 
unto your lordship's consideration, by 

Your humble Servant, 
To be commanded in all Christian offices, 

K 3 






weak with sicknesa, was ao practised - 

OD by the importunity of others, that, uary, [a 

excluding his two sisters, he conveyed i^^JSte of 

woman, by that which we may well call the tesia-''PP°^'^°°' 

■' ' crowned. 

n^nt of king Edward, and the viiil of the duke of 
Notrthumberland '. Thue throogb the pious intents 

• [King Edward's first 
dnvglit for a design of alter- 
ing the succession is printed by 
Burnet, vol. iii. Coll. numb. lo. 
In order to prevent the crown 
from descending to his sister 
Mary, he had at first excluded 
all ftmalea from tbe succession, 
directing tliat the crown should 
be kept in abeyance till issue 

male should be bom of the lady 
Frances or her three daughters. 
But these clauses were after- 
wards altered, and the entire 
scheme remodelled, as Burnet 
thinks, by the judges. That 
paper, he observes, be had 
never seen ; but he has printed 
(ib. numb, ii) a paper sub- 
scribed by twenty.four coun- 
K 4 


The Church HUtory 

BOOK Till. 

A.D. 1 553- of this prince, wishing well to the Reformation ; the 

— reUgion of queen Mary, obnoxious to exception ; the 

ambition of Northumberland, who would do what 
he listed ; the simplicity of Suffolk, who would be 
done with as the other pleased ; the dutifulness of 
the lady Jane, disposed by her parents ; the fearful- 
ness of the judges, not daring to oppose ; and the 
flattery of the courtiers, most willing to comply, — 
matters were made as sure as man's policy can make 
that good which is bad in itself. But the commons 
of England, who for many years together had conned 
loyalty by heart out of the statute of succession, 
were so perfect in their lesson, that they would not 
be put out of it by this new-started design ; so that 
every one proclaimed Mary next heir in their con- 
sciences, and few days after king Edward's death all 
the project miscarried : of the plotters whereof some 
executed, more imprisoned, most pardoned, all con- 
quered, and queen Mary crowned. Thus, though 

cillors and judges, in which 
they promise to observe, upon 
oath, that limitation of the suc- 
cession to the crown^ such as 
the king had devised, and to 
prosecute any of their number 
that would depart from it. 
Strype tells us that Cranmer 
endeavoured to dissuade the 
king from his purpose, and 
pleaded for the legitimacy of 
the lady Mary; and when 
some of the lawyers affirmed 
that the king, being in posses- 
sion of the crown, had a right 
to dispose of it according to 
his pleasure^ Cranmer still con- 
tinued firm in his opposition, 
observing that whatever others 

might do, for himself he could 
not sign such a paper without 
perjury, having sworn to the 
observance of king Henry's 
will. In this opposition he 
continued until the king re- 
quested him to sign the paper, 
" which made a great impres- 
*' sion on him," (says Burnet, 
quoting from Strype;) *^but 
*' such was the love that he 
" bore to the king, that in 
^' conclusion he yielded and 
** signed it." Hist, of Ref. HI. 
p. 215, fol. ed. It is as well 
to observe that the idea^ or at 
least the draught of the design 
for thus altering the succession, 
was entirely the king's own.] 

CENT. XV]. of Britain. 137 

the stream of loyalty for awhile was violently a. d. 1553. 

I Mary. 

diverted, to run in a wrong channel, yet with the '— 

speediest opportunity it recovered the right course 

2. But now, in what manner this will of king The truth 
E^vmrd's was advanced, (that the greatest blame nage^o^Sr 
may be laid on them who had the deepest guilt,) ^^nt^ue 
the follovrinff answer of sir Edward Montague, lord!'*^"^™'^- 

o o ' ing up the 

chief justice of the common pleas, (accused for w»w of J^jng 
drawing up the will, and comndtted by queen Mary the sixth. 
to prison for the same,) will truly acquaint us ; the 
original whereof, under his own hand, was commu- 
nicated unto me by his great grandchild, Edward 
lord Montague of Boughton^, and here faithfully 
exemplified : 

" Sir Edward Montague, knight, late chief justice 
** of the common pleas, received a letter from Green- 
" viich, dated the eleventh day of June last past, 
" signed with the hands of the lord treasurer, the 
" duke of Northumberland, John earl of Bedford, 
" Francis earl of Shrewsbury, the earl of Pembroke, 
" the lord Clinton, the lord Darcy, John Gate, Wil- 
" liam Petre, William Cecil, John Cheke : whereby 
" he was commanded to be at the court on the 
" morrow, by one of the clock at afternoon, and to 
" bring with him sir John Baker, justice Bromley, 
** the attorney and solicitor-general ; and according 
" to the same all they were there at the said hour 

^ [To this nobleman and his in the text, our author was likely 

sons Fuller dedicated various to be well informed, from his 

plates in his Pisgah Sight ; see intimacy with the family of the 

H». 288, 308 ; and likewise his Montagues, whose pedi^ee he 

olyWar. Of the truth, there- has set down in his Appeal, 

fare, of this narration, inserted Book III. §. 78.] 



138 The Church History book vfci. 

A.D. 1553. " of one of the clock. And after they were brought 

J — ^II, " to the presence of the king, the lord treasurer, the 

" marquis of Northampton, sir John Gate, and one 

or two more of the council, whose names he doth 

not now remember, were present. 

And then and there the king by his own mouth 
'' said, that now in his sickness he had considered 
** the state of this his realm and succession, which, if 
" he should decease without heir of his body, should 
" go to the lady Mary, who was unmarried, and 
" might marry a stranger bom, whereby the laws of 
'^ this realm might be altered and changed, and his 
" highness' proceedings in religion might be altered. 

Wherefore his pleasure was, that the state of the 

crown should go in such form and to such persons 
'' as his highness had appointed in a bill of articles 
" not signed with the king's hand, which were read, 
** and commanded them to make a book thereof 
" accordingly with speed. And they, finding divers 
'* faults not only for the incertainty of the articles, 
" but also declaring unto the king that it was 
" directly against the act of succession, which was 
" an act of parliament which would not be taken 
" away by no such device, notwithstanding his high- 
" ness would not otherwise but that they should 
'* draw a book according to the said articles, which 
" he then took them ; and they required a reasonable 
" time of his highness for the doing thereof, and to 
" consider the laws and statutes made for the suc- 
" cession, which indeed were and be more dangerous 
" than any of them they did consider and remember; 
^' and so they departed, commanding them to make 
" speed. 

" And on the morrow all the said persons met. 


CENT. XVI. of Britain. 139 

"and perusing the said statutes, there grew this a.d. 1553. 
" question amongst them, whether it were presently-! — !!Il 
" treason by the words of the statute oiAmio Prima 
** Edvardi Sesti^ or no treason till it were put in 
execution after the king's death? because the 
words of the statute are, ^ the king, his heirs and 
successors :' because the king can have no succes- 
" sors in his life ; but to be sure they were all 
" agreed that it were the best and surer way to say 
" to the lords that the execution of this device after 
the king's decease was not only treason, but the 
making of this device was also presently treason, 
" as well in the whole council as in them ; and so 
" agreed to make their report, without doing any- 
" thing for the execution thereof. 

** And after sir William Petre sent for the said 
sir Edward to Ely Place, who shewed him that 
the lords required great speed in the making of 
" the said book ; and he told him there were none 
" like to be made for them, for the danger aforesaid. 
" And after that the said sir Edward, with the rest 
" of his company, went to the court, and before all 
" the council (the duke of Northumberland being 
" not in the council-chamber) made report to the 
" lords that they had considered the king's articles, 
** and also the statutes of succession, whereby it 
appeared manifestly that if they should make any 
book according to the king's commandment, they 
" should not only be in danger of treason, but also 
their lordships all ; wherefore they thought it their 
bbunden duties to declare the danger of the laws 
" unto them ; and for avoiding of the danger thereof 
** they had nothing done therein, nor intended to 

140 The Church History book viii. 

-^•^•'isa*" do, the laws being so dangerous, and standing in 

" force. 

" The duke of Northumberland, having intelli- 
" gence of their answer, either by the earl of Hunt- 
" ingdon or by the lord admiral, cometh into the 
" council-chamber before all the council there, being 
" in a great rage and fiiry, trembling for anger, 
*^ and amongst his rageous talk called the said sir 
" Edward traitor ; and further said, that he would 
^' fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel, (as 
" all the whole council being there will report ;) 
" whereby the said sir Edward, with the rest, were 
" in great fear and dread, in special Mr. Bromley 
" audi the said sir Edward ; for Mr. Bromley told 
^^ the said sir Edward after, that he dreaded then that 
" the duke would have striken one of them. And 
after they were commanded to go home; and so 
departed in great fear, without doing any thing 
" more at that time, wishing of God they had stood 
" to it, as they did then, unto this time. 

" And after the said sir Edward received another 
" letter, dated at Greenwich the 14th of June last 
" past, signed with the hands of the lord treasurer, 
" the earl of Bedford, the marquis of Northampton, 
** the earl of Shrewsbury, the lord Clinton, the lord 
" Cobham, the lord Darcy, William Petre, John 
" Gute, John Cheke ; whereby he was commanded 
" to bring with him sir John Baker, justice Bromley, 
" and Mr. Gosnold, and to be at the court on the 
" morrow by one of the clock at afternoon, where 
" all they were at the same hour, and conveyed into 
" a chamber behind the dining chamber there ; and 
" all the lords looked upon them with earnest coun- 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 141 

" tenance, as though they had not kno^vn them. So a. d. 1553. 
" that the said sir Edward, with the other, might -! — ^^^ 
" perceive there were some earnest determination 
" against them ; and at length they were brought 
" before the king himself, there being present all 
** the whole council. 

" And the king demanded of them why they had 
" not made his book, according to his command- 
•* ment, and reftised that to do, with sharp words 
and angry countenance. And the said sir Edward 
opened unto his highness the cause why they did 
** it not ; and he and other had before declared and 
" opened to the council that if the writings were 
** made they were of no effect nor force, but utterly 
" void when the king should decease, and the statute 
" of succession not impaired nor hurted ; for these 
" vdll not be taken away but by the same authority 
" they were made, and that was by parliament. To 
** that said the king we mind to have a parliament 
" shortly, not telling when, which was the first time 
" that the said sir Edward heard of any parliament 
" to be had. Whereunto he said, if his pleasure 
** were so, all might be deferred to the parliament, 
" and all dangers and perils saved. Whereunto the 
** king said he would have this done, and after ratify 
" it by parliament ; and after commanded them 
** very sharply upon their allegiance to make it. 
" And there were divers of the lords that stood 
" behind the said sir Edward, and said if they 
" refused to do that they were traitors. And the 
** said sir Edward was in great fear as ever he was 
" in all his life before, seeing the king so earnest 
" and sharp, and the said duke so angry the day 
" before, who ruled the whole council as it pleased 

142 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1553." him, and were all afraid of him, (the more is the 
-1 — ^^ " pityO so that such cowardness and fear was there 
'^ never seen amongst honourable men, as it hath 
" appeared. 

" The said sir Edward, being an old weak man, 
" and without comfort, began to consider with him- 
" self what was best to be done for the safeguard of 
" his life, which was like to chance in that fury and 
" great anger presently ; and remembering that the 
" making of the said writing was not presently trea- 
" son by the statute of Anno PHmo^ because this 
" word successor would take no place while the king 
" was living, and determined with himself not to 
** meddle nor execute any thing concerning the same 
" after the death of the king, which he hath truly 
" kept hereunto ; and also remembering that the 
" queen's highness that now is should come by act 
" of succession, as a purchaser by the law, might not 
" lawfully punish treason or contempt committed in 
" the king's life, he said unto the king that he had 
" served his most noble father many years, and also 
" his highness during his time, and loth he would be 
to disobey his commandment : for his own part, he 
would obey it, so that his highness would grant 
" to them his commandment, licence, and commis- 
" sion under his great seal, for the doing, making, 
" and executing of all things concerning the same, 
" and when the things were done that they might 
" have a general pardon. All which commission 
« and pardon was as much a.s the said sir Edward 
" could invent to help this danger over, and besides 
" the things above remembered ; which commission 
" and pardon the king granted them, saying it was 
" but reason that they should have them both, and 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 143 

** the commission is passed the great seal, and the a. d. 1553. 
" pardon was signed, and as far as he knew sealed. Ji!!2L 

^* All the said matters considered, the said sir 
" Edward said for his part he would obey the king's 
** commandment, and so did Mr. Bromley say the 
same ; and the king said to sir John Baker, ' What 
say you ? You said never a word to-day :' who, as 
I take it, agreed to the same. Mr. Gosnold re- 
quired a respite, for he was not yet persuaded to 
" do the thing required. How the said duke and 
" the earl of Shrewsbury handled him, he can tell 
" best himself. And after, upon the said sir Edward's 
" motion, the king gave him licence to be advised 
" until upon the morrow, who of himself being in 
" great fear was content to obey the king's com- 
^ mandment ; and so the doers and makers of the 
said book, with sorrowful hearts and with weeping 
eyes, in great fear and dread devised the said book 
according to such articles as were signed with the 
king's proper hand above and beneath, and on 
every side. And their said commission, with arti- 
" cles so signed with the king's hand^ and the book 
" drawn in paper, were conveyed from the court to 
•' the lord chancellor's, to be engrossed in parchment, 
** and to pass the great seal, which was done ac- 
" cordingly. 

"And on the morrow next after the last term 
** ended the said sir Edward and all the judges were 
" sent for : he puts his hand to the book in parch- 
^ ment, sealed with the great seal, and so did many 
" others. The said book of articles so signed remain- 
" eth with the lord chancellor, bishop of Ely^; but 

c [Thomas Goodrich.] 


144 TTie Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1553." who conveyed the said paper book into the chan- 

-_! ^Z!_ " eery, or who wrote them, or who set their hands 

*^ to the same book, the said sir Edward, till he see 
" them, he cannot tell ; but he will not deny but 
" he was privy to the making of them, as he hath 
" before said, and that he came to the knowledge 
" of the matter by the articles unsigned, and by the 
articles signed with the king's hand, and both 
delivered unto him by the king's own hands. Who 
^' put the king in mind to make the said articles, or 
" who wrote them or any of them, or by whose pro- 
" curement or counsel they were made, or by what 
" means he and others were called unto this matter, 
" he knoweth not, but he thinks in his conscience 
" the king never invented this matter of himself, 
" but by some wonderful false compass. He prayetb 
" God the truth may be known, as he doubts not it 
" will be. 

" And further, he and all his company, as well 
" before the king as before the lords at all times, 
" said that their writings (before they were made 
" and after they were made) were of no value, force, 
" nor effect, to any intent, constitution, or purpose, 
" after the king's death, and there is no remedy to 
" help this but by parliament. And that after the 
said Thursday, being the morrow after the term 
last past, that he by any writing, printing, overt 
" deed or act, never did any thing si thence the same 
" day, in the king's life, ne sithence the death of 
" the king, for he determined with himself to be no 
** executor of the said device, whatsoever should 
" chance of it ; nor ever meddled with the council 
" in any thing, nor came amongst them, until the 
" queen's grace that now is was proclaimed queen in 



CENT. XVI. of Britain, 145 

** London, nor never executed commission, procla- a. 0.1553. 

" mation, or other commandment from the ladj Jane ' ^^' 

" nor her council, but commanded my son to serve 

" the queen's grace that now is, and to go to sir 

** Thomas Tresham and [the] Buckinghamshire men 

" that went to her grace to defend her, which he so 

" did to my no little cost." 

The case thus stated, these notes follow, written 
with the same hand : 

" Now that it is to be considered the great fear 
" the said sir Edward was in, as well by the duke of 
" Northumberland on the one day as by the king on 
the other day. 

" Also it is to be considered the king's command- 
ment upon their allegiance, by his own mouth, and 
" the articles signed with his highness' own hand, 
" and also his commission, licence, and command- 
" ment under his great seal to the said sir Edward 
" and others, for the making of the said book. 

" Also the king's pardon, signed with his highness' 
« hand. 

" Also it is to be considered that the said books 
" were made in the king's life, seven or eight days 
" before his death ; and the queen's highness being 
** successor by act of parliament to the crown, and 
having the same as a purchaser, may not lawfully 
by the laws of the realm punish the said offence 
" done in the king's time. 

** Also the said sir Edward hath humbly submitted 
** himself to the queen's highness, and to the order 
" of the commissioners ; which commissioners have 
" ordered the said sir Edward to pay to her highness 


146 The Church History book viii. 

A.D.I 5 S3-" a thousand pounds, who hath already paid thereof 

'— " five hundred pounds, and the other five hundred 

" pounds are to be paid at the feast of All Saints 
** come twelvemonth ; and also to surrender his 
" letters patents of lands to the yearly value of fifty 
" pounds, called Eltyngton, which he had of the gift 
" of king Edward the Sixth, which was all the 
" reward he had of the said king Edward for his 
" service, costs, and expenses. 

" Also it is to be considered that the said sir 
" Edward is put from his office of the chief 
"justiceship of the common pleas, being of the 
" yearly value of six hundred marks ; which office 
" the most noble king of famous memory, king 
" Henry the Eighth, gave him in consideration of 
" his long service, and also had six weeks' imprison- 
" ment. 

" Also it is to be considered that the same sir 
" Edward hath seventeen children, viz. eleven daugh- 
" ters and six sons ; whereof one of the said sons had 
" his leg stricken oft' by the knee in Scotland, at 
" Musselborough field, the duke of Somerset being 
" there. And his son and heir, by his command- 
" ment, served the queen's highness vrith twenty 
" men, to the cost of the said sir Edward of one 
" hundred pounds, as the gentlemen of Buckingham- 
" shire can report." 

So far the late judge with his own hand : wherein 
he affirmeth that he meddled not with the council 
in any thing afterward, as may appear by his not 
subscribing the letter of the lords to queen Mary, 
enjoining (shall I say?) or advising her to desist 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 147 

from claiming the crown, whereto all the privy a. d. 1553. 

comisellors subscribed <*, only the hand of sir Edward '— 

Montague is wanting; and seeing, in the whole 
transaction of this matter, the obedience rather than 
invention of judge Montague was required, not to 
devise but draw things up according to articles ten- 
dered unto him, I cannot believe his report relating 
that the king used the advice of justice Montague 
in drawing up the letters patents, to furnish the 
same with reasons of law, as secretary Cecil with 
arguments from policy ®. 

3. Some will wonder that no mention herein of s»r Roger 
sir Roger Cholmely, lord chief justice of the king's comes off 
bench, and in dignity above sir Edward Montague,^ ^^' 
(at this time but judge of the common pleas,) that 
he was not employed to draw up the book ; but it 
seems judge Montague his judgment was more relied 
on, who had been formerly lord chief justice of the 
king's bench, and deserted it. Yet the said sir 
Roger Cholmely was imprisoned for bare subscribing 
his will, and, as it seems, lost his place for the same ; 
for justice Bromley, though equally guilty with the 
rest, (so far favour extends in matters of this nature,) 
was not only pardoned, but, from an inferior judge, 
advanced to be successor to sir Roger Cholmely^, 
and made judge of the king's bench ^. 

4f. Whereas sir Edward saith that all the judges sir James 
were sent for, and that many put their hands to the honesty. 
book, it intimateth that all did not^ but that some 

d See them extant in Mr. ^ See sir H. Spelman's Glos- 

Pox, Acts and Mon., anno sary, in Justiciarius, [p. 343, 

1553* [Vol. III. p. 15.] ed. 1 664. J 

« Sir John Hayward's Life S [In the first year of this 

of Edward VI. [p. 417.] reign.] 



The Church History 

BOOK viir, 

A.D. i5S3.pefii8ed the same ; it being eminently known, to the 
-! !2l everlasting honour of sir James Hales, that no im- 
portunity could prevaU with him to underwrite this 
will, as against both law and conscience ^. 
Contest be- 5. Eiffht weeks and upwards passed between the 

twixt two 

rdigiong. proclaiming of Mary queen and the parliament by 
her assembled ; during which time two religions 
were together set on foot, protestantism and popery, 
the former hoping to be continued, the latter labour- 
ing to be restored. And as the Jews' children, after 
the captivity, spake a middle language betwixt He- 
brew and Ashdod '\ so during the aforesaid interim 
the churches and chapels in England had mongrel 
celebration of their divine services, betwixt reforma- 
tion and superstition ; for the obsequies for king 
Edward were held by the queen in the Tower, 
August the seventh, with the Dirige sung in Latin ; 
and on the morrow a mass of requiem, and on the 
same day his corpse was buried at Westminster 
with a sermon service and conununion in English. 
No small jostling was there betwixt the zealous 

^ [Notwithstanding his ho- 
nesty and uprightness in this 
affair^ he could not save him- 
self from severe treatment in 
this reign. On Oct. 6th, ijJSS, 
he was committed to prison, 
" and so cruelly handled and 
" put in fears by talk, thU^the 
** warden of the Fleet used to 
'* have in his hearing of such 
'• torments as were in prepar. 
** ing for heretics, that he 
*' sought to rid himself out of 
'* this life by wounding himself 
" with a knife, and afterwards 
*' was contented to say as they 
*' willed him ; whereupon he 

^ was discharged ; but after 
^' that he never rested till he 
'^ had drowned himself in a 
•' river, half a mile from his 
"' house in Kent.'* Fox's Acts, 
&c.. III. p. 19. The dialogue 
between him and G^diner 
mentions Hales' support of 
queen Mary's claims. This 
dialogue was printed at the 
time, and is reprinted by Fox, 
ib. Bradford addressed a let- 
ter to him, while in prison. 
Letter of the Martyrs, p. 220, 
ed. 1837. See also the same 
letters, p. 295.] 
i Neh. xiii. 24^ 


of Britain. 


promoters of thiBse contrary reliffions^. The pro- a. d. 1553. 

I Mary. 

testants had possession on their side, and the protec '— 

tion of the laws lately made by king Edward, and 
still standing in free and full force unrepealed. 
Besides, seeing by the fidelity of the Suffolk and 
Norfolk protestant gentry the queen was much ad- 
vantaged for the speedy recovering of her right, they 
conceived it but reason that as she by them had 
regained the crown, so they under her should enjoy 
their consciences. The papists put their ceremonies 
in execution, presuming on the queen her private 
practice and public countenance, especially after she 
had imprisoned some protestant and enlarged some 
popish bishops, advancing Stephen Gardiner to be 
lord chancellor. Many which were neuters before, 
conceiving which side the queen inclined, would not 
expect but prevent her authority in alteration ; so 
that superstition generally got ground in the king- 
dom. Thus it is in the evening twilight, wherein 
Ught and darkness at first may seem very equally 
matched; but the latter within little time doth 
solely prevail ^ 

k [Stow, 610, 611.] 

1 [Undoubtedly the evil 
practices of the nobility had 
done much towards producing 
a strong reaction against Pro- 
testantism. Even Burnet con- 
fesses that their fraudulent 
proceedings^ combined with a 
general laxity of morals spread- 
ing frightfully among the peo- 
ple, gave the enemies of the 
Reformation too just a handle 
against them. ** The open 
** lewdness/' he says, "in which 
" many lived without shame or 
*' remorse, gave great occasion 

" to their adversaries to say, 
" they were in the right to 
" assert justification by faith 
'* without works; since they 
'* were as to every good work 
" reprobate. Their gross and 
*' insatiable scrambling after the 
*' goods and wealth that had 
*' been dedicated with good 
" designs, though to supersti- 
" tious uses, without applying 
" any part of it to the pro- 
" moling the gospel, the in- 
structing the youth, and re- 
lieving the poor, made all 
•' people conclude it was for 

L 3 




The Church Hutory 


A.D.I55}. 6. What impressions the coming in of queen 

'^^^' Mary made on Cambridge shaU, God willing, be 

pens the presented in our particular history thereof. The sad 

fint con- 

letter to the" robbery, and not for refonna- tory. The generality of men 
queen. « ^j^j,^ ^^i^X their zeal made are too much misled by Fox in 

'* them so active.* Hist, of forming any thing like a fair 

Ref. III. p. 216, fol. ed. Com- and just estimate of the reigns 

pare with this that excellent 

book of bishop Rennet's, The 

Impropriation of Vicarages. 

Elsewhere the bishop obu 

of king Edward and his suc- 
cessor. No king ever lived in 
this nation, except perhaps 
Henry VIII., whose reign was 

serves : " The irregular and more disastrous to the cause of 

•* immoral lives of many of the true religion, and consequently 

" professors of the gospel gave 

" their enemies great advan- 

'* tages to say they run away 

'* from confession, penance, 

" fasting, and prayer, only that 

" they might lie under no re- 

" straint, but indulge them- 

" selves in a licentious and 

** dissolute course of life. By 

" these things, that were but 

•' too visible in some of the 

*' more eminent among them, 

** the people were much alien- 

to the churchy than was the 
reign of Edward VI. As bishop 
Burnet states, men were fast 
falling away from the truth 
altogether, or returning back 
to their ancient professions and 
opinions. It was the fires 
which were lighted in Smith- 
field which brought men back 
again, if not to soberer feelings, 
yet at least to greater caution. 
Whilst it purged the Reforma- 
tion to a great extent of those 
" ated from them. Some of who had professed it merely 
*• the clergy that promoted the because it allowed a greater 

** Reformation were not with- 
" out very visible blemishes ; 
" some indiscretions, both in 
•* their marriages and in their 
" behaviour, contributed not a 
" little to raise a general aver- 
" sion to them. It is true 
*' there were great and shining 
<' lights among them ; but they 
** were Jew in comparison with 
'* the many bad." This is very 
remarkable, as the conviction 
of the bishop's maturer years, 
and the result of much study 
in far more trustworthy do- 
cuments than were those by 
which he had been guided in 
the earlier portions of his his- 

degree of laxity than Roman- 
ism, it threw a halo round 
those that suffered, a feeling of 
pity and respect for them, and 
of veneration for those opinions 
for which they suffered, which 
a milder policy had never pro- 
duced. Without any such in- 
tention, queen Mary did far 
more for the Reformation than 
either of her predecessors. It 
was a miserable mistake on the 
queen's part, to say the least, 
or of her council, who were 
the chief authors in urging the 
bishops to proceed to such 
extremities. See Burnet, ib. 
p. 263.] 

CENT. XVI, fff Britain, 151 

and sudden alterations in Oxford thereby are^.v 
to be handled ™. Master John Jewell was chosen — — -- - 
to pen the first congratulatory letter to the queen, 
in the name of the university: an office imposed on 
him by his enemies, that either the refusal thereof 
should make him incur danger from his foes, or the 
performance expose him to the displeasure of his 
friends ; yet he so warily penned the same in gene- 
ral terms, that his • adversaries missed their mark. 
Indeed all as yet were confident that the queen 
would maintain the protestant religion, according to 
her solemn promise to the gentry of Norfolk and 
Suffolk, though she, being composed of courtship 
and popery, this her unperformed promise was the 
first court holy water which she sprinkled amongst 
the people. 

7. And because every one was counted a truant Mary, the 
in popery who did not outrun the law. Dr. Tresham, tized mass- 
an active papist and a van-courier before authority, oims't 
repaired the great bell in Christ Church, which he ^^^"^^• 
new named and baptized Mary; and whilst Mr. 
Jewell was reading the letter he had penned to Dr. 
Tresham for his approbation thereof, presently that 

bell tolled to mass, (a parenthesis which was not in 
the letter,) and Tresham, breaking off his attention 
to what was written, exclaimed in a zealous ecstasy, 
** Oh, sweet Mary, how musically, how melodiously 
** doth she sound !" This bell then rung the knell 
for that time to the truth in Oxford, henceforward 
filled vnth protestant tears and popish triumphs. 

8. Then Stephen Gardiner, visitor of Magdalen, Alteration 

by Gardi- 

» [This account of Jewell Mary, is wholly taken from 
and the proceedings at Oxford, Humphrey's Life of Jewell, 
apon the accession of queen published by John Day, 1573] 

L 4 


The Church History 


A. D. 1553. as successor to William Wainfleet, bishop of Win- 

I Al&rv* 

— Chester, founder thereof, sent commissioners to the 

on fnTi J^- college, whereof sir Richard Read the chief, and Dr. 

^nCoi- Wright, archdeacon of Oxford, whereby strange 
effects were produced : 

i. Walter Haddon, then president of the college **, 
(though omitted by Brian Twyne, for what cause I 
know not, in their catalogue,) willingly quitted his 

ii. Thomas Bentham, that year censor, being re- 
quired to correct the scholars for their absence from 
popish prayers, ingenuously confessed his sorrow for 
his compliance in the reign of king Henry the 
Eighth, and constantly professed that he would not 
accumulate sin on sin; adding, moreover, that he 
accounted it not equal to punish that in others 
which he himself did willingly and wittingly commit, 
and thereon was outed of his place. 

iii* Thomas Bickley was served in the same man- 
ner. This was he who, formerly snatching the host 
out of the pix . at evening prayer, first rent it with 
liis hands, then trampled it under his feet ; and now 
expelled, with great difficulty escaped into France. 

^ La\vrence Humphrey, in 
his Latin Life of Dr. Jewell, p. 
71. ["Johannis Juelli Angli 
" Episcopi Sarisburiensis vita 
" et mors, ejusque verae doc- 
** trinse defensio, cum refuta- 
'• tione quorundam objectorum, 
" Thomae Hardingi, Nicol. 
" Sanderi, &c.*' Lond. 1573. 
In composing this account of 
the Life of Jewell, which was 
dedicated to archbishop Parker 
and Dr. Edwin Sandys, then 
bishop of London, as written 

by their desire, Humphrey was 
assisted by Dr. Parkhurst, 
bishop of Norwich, Jewell's 
intimate friend ; by Giles 
Lawrence, who preached the 
bishop's funeral sermon; and 
John Garbrand^ fellow of New 
College, to whom Jewell left 
the principal part of his MSS.**' 
The last-mentioned person, in 
all probability, had once in his 
possession the now lost trea- 
tises of this celebrated pre- 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 163 

iv. Henry Bull, who about the same time openly a. d. 1553. 
in the choir snatched the censer out of his hands — '- — '— 
who was about to offer idolatrous incense therein, 
was likewise by the visitors put out of his fellow- 

What shall I speak of learned Lawrence Hum- 
phrey, painful John Fox, studious Michael Ren- 
niger, sweet-natured John MuUins, (archdeacon of 
Paul's,) Arthur Saul, Peter Morvin, Hugh Kirke, 
and Luke Purefoy, dear brethren in Christ, all at 
this time forced to forsake their college; so that 
then Magdalen wept indeed for the loss of so many 
worthies. All this extremity was executed by these 
visitors, not as yet empowered by law, the statutes 
of king Edward standing hitherto unrepealed. But 
some are so desirous to worship the rising sun, that, 
to make sure work, they will adore the dawning day; 
and many of the Oxford scholars thought prolepsis 
the best figure in their grammar to foresee what the 
queen would have done, and to ingratiate themselves 
by antedating the doing thereof. 

9. Of all the visitors in Magdalen college, arch- Archdeacon 
deacon Wright was most moderate, seeking to qua- moderate 
lify the cruelty of the rest, as far as he could oraftLrwa^s 
durst appear. Blind he was in one eye, but acute ^"f^^d^ 
and clear-sighted in his mind ; and though his com- ^jj*^ p®***" 
plianee for the present cannot be excused, yet com- 
mendable was his forwardness, that presently on the 
crovming of queen Elizabeth he confessed his errors, 
and vdth a weak voice but strong arguments in his 
sermon preached in Allhallows, solidly confuted the 
main of popish opinions. This was his last will and 
testament, being at the present much decayed in his 
body, his strength only serving him to give a solemn 

154 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1553. account of his feith ; for soon after he fell sick, and 
J — !!Il-at the end of eight days, in perfect mind and me- 
mory, peaceably departed this life ® ; wherefore lying 
Saunders is not to be listened to, when reporting 
that this Wright died raving and distracted p ; it 
being usual with him to account all those staring 
mad who are not stark blind with ignorance and 
superstition ^. Let not Saunders be too busy in 
traducing God's dying servants, lest what he wrong- 
fully chargeth on others justly befall himself, as it 
came to pass accordingly ; for a learned pen ^ tells 
us that he died in Ireland mente motus^ which if it 
amounts not to a madness, I understand not the 
propriety of that expression. 
Maw set up XO. Pass WO uow from Msffdalen to Corpus 

111 Corpus *^ '- 

christi Christi college, where behold a sudden alteration, 
mass being presently brought up in the place of 
the communion. It may seem a wonder, seeing so 
many superstitious utensils are required thereunto, 
where the papists got attiring clothes for the thea- 
trical pomp thereof; yet so it was, that they who 
to-day visibly had nothing, next day wanted nothing 
for the celebration of the mass. Surely these trin- 
kets were never dropped down from heaven ; but 
such who formerly had been cunning in concealing 
were now forward in producing their wicked ward- 
robe ; and one college afforded enough, not only to 
suffice itself, but for the present to supply the whole 

JeweU 11. But how well soever any college kept their 

driren out 

o Lawrence Humph, utprius, ^ Camd. Brit, in the year 

p-76. 1583. 

P In Defence of the Pope's ^ Camdeni Annales, anno 

Monarchy, [p. 690.] 1583, [p. 349.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 155 

superstitious trifles, sure I am Corpus Christi col- a. d. 1553, 
lege lost an essential ornament thereof, namely, Mr. 

John Jewell, fellow therein, who, on his refusal to^^j^^^JP"* 
be present at mass and other popish solemnities, ^^«g«- 
was driven out of the college, and retired himself 
to Broadgates Hall, where he continued for a short 
time in great danger. 

1 2. It was now high time for JSIr. Peter Martyr Peter Mar- 
seasonably to provide for his owti security, who, the rLim. 
being by birth a stranger, and invited over hither, 

and placed here by king Edward the Sixth, to be 
professor of divinity in Oxford, had the warrant of 
the public faith and the law of nations for his safety. 
Whereupon he solicited for leave to return, which 
was granted unto him. Well it was that he had 
protection of proof; otherwise such was the enmity 
of the papists, and so sharp set were the teeth of 
some persecuting bishops against him, that they 
would have made this martyr brook his own name, 
and have sacrificed his life to their ftiry. 

13. About the time of his departure, (pardon aTiieDutch 
short digression,) the Dutch congregation in London tJou depart 
was also dissolved, gaining licence with much adoj^^rk.^" 
to transport themselves. These, taking the oppor- 
tunity of two Danish ships then lying in Thames 
mouth, adventured themselves therein even in the 
beginning of winter, uncertain where to get any 
habitation. One hundred seventy and five were 
embarked in one vessel, from which the other was 
divided with tempest, and with much danger got at 

last to Elsinore in Denmark ^ Had they stayed 

• John Utenhovius in Narratione de dissipata Belgarum 
Ecclesia. cap. 2. 

166 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1553. longer in England, until the queen's marriage with 

-^^ — ^^ king Philip of Spain, being most of them his native 

subjects in the Netherlands, it had been difficult, if 

not impossible, for them to have procured their safe 

and public departure. 

A dear copy 14. As for Mr. Jowoll, he continued some weeks 

of verses. 

in Broadgates Hall, whither his scholars repaired 
unto him, whom he constantly instructed in learning 
and religion. Of all his pupils, Edward Year* in 
this one respect was most remarkable, who by his 
tutor being seasoned with the love of the truth, 
made a double copy of verses against the superstition 
of the mass, which so enraged Mr. Welsh (the 
censor, as I take it, of Corpus Christi college) against 
him, that he publicly and cruelly whipped him, lay- 
ing on one lash for every verse he had made, which 
I conceive were about eighty in all. Part of them 
I have here thought fit to insert ; and blessed be 
God I may translate and the reader peruse them 
without any pain and peril, and not at the dear rate 
whereat the author composed them. I have the 
rather presented them, because they proved as well 
prophetical as poetical, comfortably foretelling what 
afterwards certainly came to pass. 

" Supplex oro Patris vmiant cwlestis ad aures 

" ^x animo paucce qu€L8 recitaho preces : 

*' Ecce patent aditm, patet altijantui Coeli 

" Ad sunimum votis Jam penetrabo Deum. 

" Svmme Pater ^ qui cuncta vides^ qui cwncta gubemas^ 

*' Q,ui das cuncta tuis^ qui qtioqtte cuncta rapis^ 

" Effice ne maneat longcevos Missa per annos : 

*' Effice nefallat decipiatve tuos ; 

* So I conceive his name, Jewell's Life, p. 'j'j^ calls Ed- 
whom Lawrence Humphrey, in vardum Annum. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 157 

" Effice ne coseos pcpulorum reddat ocellos A.D. 1553.' 

'* Mism^ docem verba dissona multa tuo : ' ^ifiVY- 

Effice jam rurms Stygias descmdat ad wndas^ 
Unde trahit fontem prificipiumqtie sunm. 

^^ Beqpondet Domrnus spectans de sedibm altis^ 
" Ne dubUes recte credere parve puer, 
^^ OUm mmpassm nvortem^ nwrw occupo dextram 
" Patrisy nunc swmmi swnt rma regna poli : 
" In ccglis igitur toto cwm corpore versor^ 
" Et me terrestris nemo videre potest ; 
Falsa sacerdotes de me mendacia fingunt^ 
Missam quiqm colunt, hi mea verba negant. 
" DwroB cermets populus vm mittere Missam 
" Eeciiy et e medio tollere dogma sacrum ; 
" Sed tu crede mik% vires scriptura reswmet^ 
. *' ToUetmrque sua tempore Missa nequam "."" 

Accept, heavenly Father, I request, 
These few devotions from my humble breast : 
See, there*'s access, heavens gate open lies, 
Then with my prayers I'll penetrate the skies. 
Great God ! who all things seest, dost all things 

And all things giv'st, and all things tak'st away, 
Let not the present mass long-lived be, 
Nor let it those beguile belong to thee ; 
Thy people's eyes keep it from blinding quite. 
Since to thy word it is so opposite ; 
But send it to the Stygian lakes below, 
From whence its rise and source doth spring and 


The Lord, beholding from his throne, reply'd, 
Doubt not, young youth, firmly in mo confide ; 
I died long since, now sit at the right hand 
Of my blest Father, and the world command ; 

« [Humphrey's Life of Jewell, p. 78.] 

158 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1553. My body wholly dwells in heavenly light, 
' ^^^'y- Of whonl no earthly eye can gain a sight. 

The shameless priests of me forge truthless lies. 
And he that worships mass my word denies ; 
A stiifneckM people for their sins did make 
Me send them mass, my word away to take ; 
But trust me, Scripture shall regain her sway, 
And wicked mass in due time fade away. 

Mr.JeweU 15. But to retum to Mr. Jewell. He had not 
faiL^^*^ lived long in Broadgates Hall, when by the violence 
of the popish inquisitors being assaulted on a sudden 
to subscribe, he took a pen in his hand, and smiling, 
said, " Have you a mind to see how well I can 
" write ?" and thereupon underwrit their opinions. 
Thus the most orient jewel on earth hath some 
flaws therein. To conceal this his fault, had been 
partiality ; to excuse it, flattery ; to defend it, im- 
piety ; to insult over him, cruelty ; to pity him, cha- 
rity ; to admire God in permitting him, true devo- 
tion ; to be wary of oureelves in the like occasion, 
Christian discretion. 
Carnal I6. Such as go out whon God openeth them a 

n^lr pr^ door to oscapo, do peaceably depart ; but such who 
break out at the window, either stick in the passage 
or bruise themselves by falling down on the outside. 
Jewell may be an instance hereof, whose cowardly 
compliance made his foes no fewer without him, and 
one the more, a guilty conscience, within him. The 
papists neither loved, nor honoured, nor trusted him 
any whit the more for this his subscription, which 
they conceived not cordial, forced from him by his 
fear ; yea, thereby he gained not any degree of more 
safety ; and his life being waylaid for, with great 
difficulty he got over into Germany. 


CENT. XVI. of Britain. 169 

17. Rejoice not ocer me, O mine enemy ; for though a.d. 1555. 
IfaU^ yet shall I rise again, as here it came to pass : "^' 
coming to Frankfort, he had Dr. Edwin Sandys Mf- Jew- 
(afterwards archbishop of York,) for his board andaWeand 
bedfellow, who counselled Mr. Jewell, with the joint J^J^^. 
advice of Mr. Chambers and Mr. Sampson, his bosom 
friends, to make a public confession of his sorrow 

for his former subscription : whereupon on a Sunday, 
after his forenoon's sermon, in the congregation of 
Frankfort, he bitterly bewailed his fall, and heartily 
requested pardon from God and his people, whom 
thereby he had offended. Wet were the eyes of the 
preacher, and those not dry of all his auditors. 
What he fairly requested was freely given ; and 
henceforward all embraced him as a brother in 
Christ, yea, as an angel of God ; yea, whosoever 
seriously considereth the high parts Mr. Jewell had 
in himself, and the high opinion others had of him, 
will conclude his fall necessary for his humiliation. 

18. But to return to Oxford, whither, about this The issue- 

less issue of 

time, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer were brought to a disputa- 
be baited in disputation by the fiercest papists offo^.* 
both universities ; which worthy bishops, restrained 
in liberty, debarred from books, deprived of friends, 
and straitened for time, were brought out of the 
prison to dispute, and after the end thereof thither 
remanded. Here it is sad to recount those legions 
of taunts which were passed upon them. They who 
had three logical terms in every syllogism had far 
more railing ones after it, in following their argu- 
ment, and opprobrious improving thereof against the 
prisoners. Wherefore when Weston, the prolocutor, 
or obloquutor rather, closed all with his vainglorious 
brag, vidt Veritas, many of the impartial auditors 


The Church History 


A. D. 1553. conceived that vicit vanitas was a truer conclusion 

— of the disputation ; though indeed there could be no 

proper victory where there was no fair fight, things 
not being methodized with scholastical formality, 
but managed with tumultuous obstreperousness. See 
all at large in Mr. Fox, to transcribe which would 
be tedious, exscribe something imperfect, contract 
all obscure. May the reader therefore be remitted 
thither for his perfect satisfaction ; only I will add, 
this disputation was but a preparative or prologue to 
the tragedy of these bishops' deaths ; as it were to 
dry their bodies the more aforehand, that afterwards 
they might burn the brighter and clearer for the 
same ^. 
Some Ox- 19. But WO Icavc the prosecution hereof with the 
invited to imprcssiou made by the alteration of religion on 
a pro^^r ^ cvcry scvcral college in Oxford, to some learned men 
^^^' of that university, as an office proper for them to 
perform, having as their education therein, so their 
advantage thereby in consulting the registers of their 
several colleges. I have hitherto and shall hereafter 
be the shorter in matters of this university, remem- 
bering two profitable precepts for this purpose : the 
one, Minus 7iotis minus diti insistendum ; the other, 
^€vo9 Sv airpayixwv larQi^ — " Being a Stranger, be not 
" over-busy ;" who confess myself bred in another 

X [Unfortunately the queen 
had too good a reason for pro- 
ceeding against Ridley ; since, 
if Stow's information be correct, 
he had incurred the guilt of 
high treason : for on the 16th 
of July, a few days after king 
Edward's death, by the com- 
mand of the council then in 
favour of the duke of North- 

umberland^ he *' preached at 
'* Paul's Cross, where he vehe- 
" mently persuaded the people 
" in the title of the lady Jane, 
•• late proclaimed queen, and 
'* inveighed earnestly against 
•' the title of lady Mary and 
" the lady Elizabeth, her sis* 
** ter." Stows Chron. 611/ 
Strype's Mem. III. 3.] 


tf Britain. 


seminary of learning. Wherefore if my tongue, longA.D. 1553. 
acquainted with Cambridge Siboleth^ have or shall-! — ^^2L~ 
chance to falter in pronouncing the terms of art or 
topical titles proper to this university, I hope the 
reader's smile shall be all the vt^riter's punishment. 
For as I heartily profess the fidelity of my affections 
to my aunt, and humbly request that my weakness 
or want of intelligence may no way tend to her pre- 
judice, so I expect that my casual mistakes should 
meet with a pardon, of course ; and if any of her 
ovra children (which is much to be desired) will 
hereafter write a particular history of Oxford, I 
should be joyful if the best beams I can bring will 
but make him scaffolds, and the choicest of my 
comer-stones but serve to fill up the walls of his 
more beautiful building. 

20. We have something trespassed on time toprotestant 
make our story of Oxford entire, and must now go tuhTaw 
a little backward. The queen beinff crowned oni^®'"^^^^®* 

'■ o from the 

the first of October y, her first parliament began the parliament 

y [Stephen Perlin, a French 
ecclesiastic, an eyewitness of 
the scenes which he describes^ 
who wrote " A Description of 
" England and Scotland/' pub- 
lished at Paris in 1558, gives a 
curious account of queen Mary's 
accession. He says that she im- 
mediately " caused the images 
" to be replaced, and brought 
*^ back the service to the Latin 
*' language, and made several 
*' proclamations, edicts, and 
'* prohibitions throughout all 
'^ England against eating of 
'* flesh on Fridays and Satur- 
" days, on pain of being hanged 
'^ and strangled. (!) And then 
'' you might have seen those 









which had been bishops, who 
had been displaced by the 
young king Edward and his 
late father Henry, coming in 
great joy and magnificence 
about the town, mounted on 
mules and little pompous 
horses, dressed in greatgowns 
of black camlet, over which 
were beautiful surplices, their 
heads covered with satin 
hoods, like those worn by 
the monks, being joyous on 
account of the queen's vic- 

*' In the mean time the 
queen made her public entry 
into London in great state 
and magnificence^ the citi- 



The Church Hiitary 


A.D. 1553. fifth day following, wherein, God wot, a poor appear- 
J_^L-ance of Protestant bishops : for Cranmer of Canter- 
bury was in the Tower for treason ; Ridley of Lon- 
don, and Ponet of Winchester, were iisplaced on 



• € 

• < 

• t 

zens' children walking before 
her magnificently dressed ; 
afterwards followed gentle- 
men habited in velvets of all 
sorts, some black, others in 
white, yellow, violet, and 
carnation ; others wore satins 
or taffety, and some damasks 
of all colours, having plenty 
of gold buttons; afterwards 
followed the mayor of the 
city, with several handsome 
companies, and the chiefs 
and masters of the several 
trades -, after them the milors 
richly habited, and the most 
considerable knights ; next 
come the ladies, married and 
single, in the midst of whom 
was madame Marv> queen of 
England, mounted on a small 
white ambling nag, the hous- 
ings of which were fringed 
with gold thread ; about her 
were six lacqueys, habited in 
vests of cloth of gold. The 
queen herself was dressed in 
violet-coloured velvet, and 
was then about forty years of 
age, and rather fresh -co- 
loured. Before her were six 
lords bareheaded, each carry- 
ing in his hand a golden 
mace, and some others bear- 
ing the arms and crown. 
Behind her followed the 
archers, as well of the first 
as the second guard; those 
of the first guard were clothed 
in scarlet, bound with black 
velvet, and on their escut- 

*' cheons they had a golden 
*' rose, which is called in Eng- 
" lisb rase pent, and under this 
'* rose was a golden crown with 
** high leaves, in form of an 
" imperial crown ; the second 
" guard were clothed in scarlet, 
" bound with black velvet, anci 
" on their escutcheons was in- 
" terwoven a true lovers' knot, 
*' and an E in the middle, and 
" on the other side an R, done 
'' in order to make a distinction 
*' between the ' two guards. 
** She was followed by her sis- 
*' ter, named madame Eliza- 
" beth, in truth a beautiful 
" princess, who was also well 
" accompanied by ladies, both 
" married and single. Then 
" might you hear the firing of 
'• divers pieces of artillery, 
" bombards, and cannons, and 
*' many rejoicings made in the 
" city of London ; and after- 
" wards the queen, being in 
*' triumph and royal magnifi- 
" cence in her palace and castle 
" of Westminster, took it into 
" her head to go to hear mass 
" at Paul's ; that is to say, at 
" the church of St. Paul's. — It 
" happened that an English. 
'* man, during mass, threw a 
" dagger at the priest, making 
a great tumult, mass not 
having been celebrated in 
" this country for six or seven 
** years." Antiq. Repertory, I. 



CENT. XVI. of Britain^ 163 

the restitution of Bonner and Gardiner; Holgate of a. d. 1553. 

-^ I M&rv 

York, Bush of Bristol, Bird of Chester, Hooper of *— 

Worcester and Gloucester, Barlow of Bath and 
Wells, Scory of Chichester, Ferrar of St. David's, 
Coverdale of Exeter, were already deprived, either 
for being married or delivering some displeasing 
doctrines. Only two Protestant bishops, viz. John 
Taylor of Lincoln, and John Harley of Hereford ^ 
(on what score I know not,) found the favour to be 
last undone, as remaining undeprived at the begin- 
ning of the parliament, where they presented them- 
selves according to their duty, and took their place 
amongst the lords. But presently began solemn 
mass, after the popish manner; which these two 
good bishops not abiding, withdrew themselves, and 
shortly both of them died their natural deaths; 
Providence graciously preventing their violent de- 

21. All the rest of the bishops present in parlia- p^p^ "* 

^ stored by 

ment^ (as Sampson of Coventry and Lichfield, Capon the rest. 
of Salisbury, Thirlby of Norwich, Bulkley of Ban- 
gor, Parfew of St. Asaph, Kitchin of Landaff*,) 
though dissembling themselves Protestants in the 
days of king Edward, now returned to their vomit 
and the advancing of popery. No wonder then if 
all things were acted according to their pleasure, 
the statute of pr€emunire made by king Henry the 
Eighth and many other good laws of Edward the 
Sixth repealed; mass and Latin service, with the 
main of popery, re-established. 

22. But in the convocation which began few days Oct. tS. 
after, amongst all the clergy therein assembled there 

* Fox, Acts and Mon. p. » Ely and Oxford I conceive 
1410. ^= III. 16.] void at this time. 

M 2 

164 The Church History book viii. 

AD. 1553. were found but six which opposed the reduction of 

I Mary. , . ^^ 

popery ^ viz. 

Six Pro- i. Walter Philips, dean of Rochester. 


champions li. Jamos Haddon, dean of Exeter. 

^tioEu"' "!• John Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester. 

iv. Richard Cheney, archdeacon of Hereford. 

V. John Aylmer, archdeacon of Stow. 

vi. One whose name is not recorded. 

Oct. 25. Of these, Mr. Philpot, one of a fervent spirit, but 
not to any distemper, as some suspect, was so zeal- 
ous against transubstantiation, that he offered to 
maintain the negative by God's word, and confound 
any six who should withstand him in that point; 
" Or else," saith he, " let me be burned with as 
" many fagots as be in London before the court 
« gates ^" 
Weston his 23. But Wcstou, the prolocutor in the convoca- 
Mr. PhU- tion, threatened him with the prison, adding that he 
^^ was a madman, meeter to be sent to Bedlam than 

continue there. Philpot returned, he would think 
Oct. 30. himself happy to be out of that company. " Nay, 
" lest you slander the house," said Weston, " and 
" say we will not suffer you to declare your mind, 
" we are content you come into the house as for- 
" merly, on two conditions : first, that you be appa- 
" relied in a long ffown and tippet, as we are ; 
" secondly, that you speak not but when I command 
you." " Then," said Philpot, " I had rather be 
absent altogether ;" and so it seems departed the 
Dec. 13. place, and soon after the convocation ended, having 

^ [Laity as well as clergy 53, 56.] 
were unfavourable to protest- c Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 
antism. SeeStrype'sMem.III. 141 3. [=111. 23.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 165 

concluded all things to the hearts' desire of the a.d. 1553. 
papists therein. '— 

24. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner Phiipot 

« I • J 1 • i r i • T • sealeth the 

for his words spoken in the convocation. In vam truth with 
did he plead the privilege of the place, commonly ^" ^^°*^' 
reputed a part of parliament, alleging also how 
Weston the prolocutor once and again assured them 
that the queen had given them leave and liberty 
fully and freely to debate of matters of religion, 
according to their own conscience. Once at his 
examination the lord Rich affirmed that the con- 
vocation was no part of the parliament house ^ ; and 
we must believe him herein, because a lawyer and 
a lord chancellor; otherwise we have the statute 
8 Hen. VI., "That the clergy of the convocation shall 
** have such liberty as they that come to the par- 
" liament." In fine, Philpot, in defence of the truth, 
acted the valiant part of a martyr according to his 
promise, though the scene was altered from the 
court gates to Smithfield. 

25. The match of queen Mary vnth Philip king Wyat's 
of Spain was now as commonly talked of as generally ™nder the 
distasted. To hinder the same, sir Thomas Wyat, ^^^^^ 
Kentish knight, took arms, with a great party assist- ^^^' ^°- 
ing him. Saunders * saith, and that very truly, that 

he was magnce potentite viriim, being indeed well 
bom, well allied, well learned, well landed, and well 
loved; wanting neither wit, wealth, nor valour, 
though at present all were ill employed by him. 
Indeed this his treason may be said to fall in labour, 
some weeks before the full time thereof, occasioned 

d Fox, Acts and Moii. p. « [De Schism. Angl. p. 
1806. [= III. 552.] 230.] 

M 3 



The Church History 


A. D. 1554. by a sudden fright ; and therefore no wonder if the 

'— issue thereof proved abortive. For Wyat, hearing 

that one of his dear friends ^ was cast into the Fleet, 
(though for a cause unrelating to this plot, to which 
the party was privy,) suspected (as guilt is ever 
jealous) that this his friend had betrayed the design ; 
which made Wyat anticipisite the due date thereof, 
and break out the sooner into open hostility ff. 
'^^ , 26. The queen, hearing of his commotion, sent an 

herald sent herald uuto him to desist, which herald came to sir 

tmto him. 

Thomas his house, deeply moated round about, the 
bridge being drawn up, yet so that a place like a 
ford pretended a safe passage thereunto. On the 
inside thereof walked the proper case of a man well 
habited, and his face carrying no despair of wisdom 
therein. The herald asked him whether he might 
safely go over there, to whom the other slightly 
answered, " Yea, yea." But had not the strength of 
his horse been more than ordinary, he either had 
been drowned in the water or buried in the mud. 
27. The herald, hardly escaping, fills all the house 
J-I^J^ with complaints, that being an officer sent from the 
queen under the protection of the public faith^ (hav- 
ing his coat, his conduct, upon him,) he should be so 


' [Proctor, ib. f. 2.] 

ff [An account of Wyat's re- 
bellion (the source from which 
most of our chroniclers have 
drawn their information) was 
published this same year, under 
the following title : •* The His- 
'• tory of Wyates Rebellion, 
•* with the order and manner 
" of resisting the same ; where- 
" unto in the end is added an 
" earnest Conference with the 
*' degenerate and seditious Re* 

" bels for the search of the 
" cause of their daily disorder. 
" Made and compiled by John 
*' Proctor. Mense Decembris^ 
'* anno 1554. Imprinted at 
*^ London, by Robert Caly, 
" within the precinct of the 
" late dissolved house of the 
" Gray Friars, now converted 
to an hospital called Christ's 
Hospital. The xxii. day of 
" December, 1554." i2mo.] 



CKNT. XVI, of Britain. 167 

wilfully abused by fklse directions, to the danger of a-d. 1554. 

his life, by one of sir Thomas his servants. The '- 

knight, highly offended at the fault, (as gentleman 
enough, and enemy to actions of baseness,) summons 
all his servants to appear before the herald, vowing 
that the offender should be sent prisoner to the 
queen with his legs bound beneath his horse's belly, 
to receive from her the reward of his wickedness. 

28. The herald challengeth the party at the first But aU 
sight of him. ^^ Alas!" said sir Thomas, "he is a merriment. 
" mere natural, as will appear if you please to 
** examine him." " Why, sirrah," said the herald, 
** did you direct me to come over where it was 
** almost impossible to pass without drowning?" 
To whom the other answered, " The ducks came 
over not long before you, whose legs were shorter 
than your horse's." Hereat the herald smiled out 
his anger, adding withal, « Sir Thomas, hereafter let 
** your fool wear the badge of his profession on him, 
«* that he may deceive no more in this kind." But 
pass we to matters of more moment. Wyat courte- 
ously dismissed the herald, but denying to desist, 
marched to Rochester, to meet his complices out 
of the west of Kent, who came short unto him, as 
intercepted and routed (with sir Henry Ilsley, their 
conductor) by the lord Abergavenny \ though this 
loss was presently repaired. 

29- For when Thomas duke of Norfolk marched The Lon- 
down with five hundred Londoners, in white coats, revolt to 
to resist Wyat, and was now come to Stroud, on the^^'^^. 
other side of Rochester, the Londoners revolted to 
Wyat. Thus the most valiant leader cannot make 
his followers loyal. Yet these Londoners, false to 

»• [Henry NevilL] 
M 4 

168 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1554. forsake the duke, were faithful not to betray his 
*^* person, which they might easily have done if so 

disposed. Wyat is much elated with this supply, as 
more in the omen than in itself; who, concluding 
all Londoners of the same lump, hereby promised 
himself easy entrance into that city, and hearty 
entertainment therein. 
Wyat'sin- 39. Wvat his insoleucv is said to rise with his 

solenoe, and "^ •^ 

queen Mary success ; SO that, having a treaty with some of the 
privy counsellors in his passage to London, he de- 
manded unreasonable conditions, affirming that he 
would rather be trusted than trust, and therefore 
requiring the person of the queen, the Tower of 
London to be committed unto him, with power to 
displace evil counsellors ; not propounded with more 
pride, but that with as much scorn they were 
Feb. I. refused. Meantime queen Mary came to Guildhall, 
and there made a long oration ; and indeed, if on 
just occasion she could not speak confidently and 
pertinently, she was neither daughter to her father 
nor to her mother. Mr. Fox addeth that she seemed 
to have perfectly conned her speech without book ^; 
which, if so, sounds nothing to her disgrace, some 
being for extempore prayers, but none to my know- 
ledge for extempore policy. This her oration 
secured the affections of the citizens unto her, as by 
the sequel will appear. 

Southwark g| Enterinff South wark, he enjoined his soldiers 

entered, o ' j 

and prisons to offor uo violcnco, or take any thing without pay- 

[Feb. 3.] mentJ; yet Winchester House soon felt their fury, 

though such, by his command, (a general can but 

proclaim, and punish the breakers of his proclama- 

'Acts and Mon. p. 141 9. [III. 30.] J [Stow's Chron. p. 619.] 


of BrHain, 


tion,) were made exemplary for their rapine ^. Then a. d. 1554. 
were the prisons (and South wark is well stored with ' ' ^^^' 
houses of that kind) set open for such who were 
guilty only of pretended heresy, not felony and mur- 
der. But those who thanked him for his courtesy 
refused the acceptance thereof, (a tender conscience 
is a stronger obligation than a prison,) because as 
they were legally committed they would be legally 

32. But now all the towers of the Tower, and the s<mthwark 
tops of the square steeples near the bridge foot, on ston 
the other side, were planted with ordnance (so that " Feb. 6. ^ 
both church and state threatened his ruin) ready to 
be discharged into Southwark, either to beat down 
the borough, or to force Wyat to depart ; who, per- 
ceiving it impossible to force his passage into London 
over the bridge, and moved with the miserable 
moans of the Southwarkers, left their borough ; and 
though towards the evening, marched swiftly, silently, 
secretly to Kingston-upon-Thames. Speed begets 
speed, quickness causeth success in matters of exe- 

k [Their fury was directed 
against Gardiner, then lord 
chancellor ; and so maliciously 
were they set against him, as 
to spoil all his goods, though 
without any benefit to them- 
selves. " Divers of his com- 
** pany," says Stow, ** being 
" gentlemen, (as they said,) 
*' went to Winchester Place, 
** made havoc of the bishop's 
'* goods ; not only of his vic- 
" tuals, whereof there was 
** plenty, but whatsoever else, 
** not leaving so much as one 
*• lock of a door, but the same 
** was taken off and carried 

*' away ; nor a book in his gal- 
** lery or library uncut or rent 
** into pieces, so that men might 
** have gone up to the knees in 
** leaves of books cut out and 
'* thrown under feet." Stow, ib. 
Indeed this rebellion was raised 
as much upon religious as other 
pretexts ; and it is much to be 
regretted that the celebrated 
Dr. Ponet, the bishop of Win- 
chester, who afterwards went 
over and died in Germany, 
should have been a leader in 
this commotion. See the anec- 
dote mentioned respecting him 
by Stow, Chron. 621.] 

170 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. i554.cution, as here in Wyat his coming to Kingston 

I Al&rv 

1- before any almost had notice of his motion. 

The care- 33. But Wjat was not so much advantaged with 
the queen his owu expedition as with the coincident oversights 
her soidien. ^^ ^^^ quccu's party, whoso carolcssness and coward- 
ice met together, enough to destroy her cause, had 
not Divine Providence resolved with final success to 
rectify all human mistakes. First, such set to order 
Kingston Bridge did their work by halves, breaking 
and not breaking it down ; so that, the substantials 
standing, the rest were easily repaired for Wyat his 
safe passage over. Secondly, two hundred men set 
to defend the opposite bank quitted their station \ 
[on] the very sight of two pieces of ordnance planted 
against them. Thirdly, the queen's scouts lost their 
eyes, and deserved to lose their heads, who could 
not discover a body of four thousand men marching 
with a large train of artillery ; so that the queen had 
notice thereof by the Kentish fugitives sooner than 
by her own scouts "*. 
Wyat his 34. But time soon gained by Wyat was as soon 
retarded, lost, ou the accidcnt of a piece of ordnance breaking 
its carriage. Now whilst the army waited the leisure 
of bringing up this broken piece, (an hour to Wyat 
being of greater consequence than the greatest gun,) 
he came short of the time prefixed to such citizens 
as were fautors of his cause ; otherwise he had been 
at London in the night, taking his enemies napping 
before they dreamt of him ; and all terror is most 

1 Bishop Godwin's Annals was occupied in repairing his 

of England in queen Mary, p. ordnance, and so made known 

394, [Stow's Chron. p. 620.] the whole matter to thq queen. 

>» [A rebel, named Harper, Stow, ib.] 
slipped from him whilst Wyat 

c£NT. XVI. of Britain, 171 

active in the dark, when the less men see, the more a. d. 1554. 

they suspect ; whereas now it was break of day be ^ 

fore they had gotten to Knightsbridge. 

35. Wyat had a double design, and performed His douUe 
them both alike : one violently to take Whitehall, ^^* 
the other peaceably to be taken into London. Cap- 
tain Vaughan, with five hundred Welshmen, (and 
one would wonder how they should straggle into 
Kent,) embraced the right-hand way towards West- 
minster, and then wheeled away to Whitehall, his 
men shooting their arrows (regardless where they 
lighted) into the windows of the court, but could 
not force their passage into it. Wyat went directly 
to Charing Cross, where he met with some oppo- 
sition, but continued his resolution for London. 

86, Here one might have observed, that within Three tunea 
three hours the tongue of the multitude in London?, three**'* 
thrice altered their tunes. First they cried, ^°^'**- 

i. "A Wyat, a Wyat!" every mouth giving the 
alarm to the next man he met. The next note 

ii. " Treason, treason !" all suspecting that the 
earl of Pembroke \ the queen's general, had revolted, 
because, hovering aloof in the fields, he suffered 
Wyat his van and main battle (cutting off some of 
the rear) to march undisturbed, save with one shot, 
from Ejiightsbridge to Charing Cross. Their next 
tune was, 

iii. " Down with the draggle-tails, down with the 
draggle-tails ! " 

And indeed no wonder if these Kentish men 

n [William Herbert.] 

172 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1554. (marching in the dark to avoid discovery, in the 
-^ — ^!^ depth of winter, through dirty ways) were richly 

landed in their clothes, and well fringed with mire 
and mud about them. 
Wyat 37. Wyat himself marched directly up the Strand 

Ludg^! and Fleet Street, with the loss of less than twenty 
men, and coming to Ludgate, promised himself en- 
trance into the city ; but there he found nothing for- 
bid his admission, save a strong gate close shut and 
well fortified against him with men and ammunition. 
From that minute he went backward both in motion 
and success. Returning to Fleet Street, he sat down 
on a bench over against the Bell Savage^ (an inn so 
called because given by one Isabel Savage to the 
company of cutlers ®,) and there too late began to 
bemoan and accuse his own rashness. Retreating 
to Temple Bar, he was faced with some horse ; and 
after a fight, being moved by a herald to submit 
himself, " Then will I yield," saith he, ** to a gentle- 
" man :" and so submitted himself, say most p, to sir 
Maurice Berkley ; say others \ to sir Clement Pas- 
son : being in neither of them mistaken for their 
gentle extraction. 
Penitent at 88. Hcuce was he carried to Whitehall to be 
tionr^"" examined, thence to the Tower to be committed. 
April II. Entering therein, sir John Bridges, lieutenant there- 
of, taking him by the collar, with his dagger in his 
hand, " Ah ! traitor," saith he, " I would stab thee 
" myself, but that I know thou wilt be executed '." 

o Stow's Survey of London. ^ Holinsbed, [p. 1099. Wyat 

PHolin8hed,[p.io98.] Stow, begged hard to have his life 

[p. 621.] Speedy [ch. xxii. §. spared, promising to use all 

45.] his influence to advance the 

q Fox, p. 14 19. [III. 30.] queen's marriage, then gene- 


of Britain. 


To whom the other calmly replied, "Sir, it is no a. d. 1554. 
** mastery now." Some days after, he suffered peni- -J_1!!!!!Il 
tently and patiently on the scaffold, condemning his 
own act; and therefore we have spoken the less 
against him, for speaking so much against himself. 
Fifty of his complices were hanged ; four hundred, 
led with ropes about their necks, pardoned by the 
queen, and all things stilled and quieted s. 



rally disliked by the nation ; 
but his suit was denied, chiefly 
by the interference of the em- 
peror. •* The priests," says 
Burnet, " at this time under- 
** stood the interests of their 
*' cause better than others did 
'* above an age after ; for they 
•• moved the queen to shew a 
signal act of mercy, and to 
pardon all that had been en- 
'• gaged in this rising." Ref. 
III. 225.] 

■ [There is a very character. 
istic notice in Stow, bearing 
the marks of an authentic nar- 
rative, of the reception of Wyat 
and his complices at the Tower. 
" About five of the clock," says 
the chronicler, ** Thomas Wyat, 
" William Knivett, Thomas 
" Cobham, two brethren named 
'* Mantel8,and Alexander Brett, 
*• were brought by sir Henry 
Jerningham, by water, to the 
Tower, prisoners, where sir 
Philip Denny received them 
" at the Bulwark; and as Wyat 
*' passed by, he said, ' Go, trai- 
•* tor ! there was never such a 
" traitor in England.' To whom 
** sir Thomas Wyat turned and 
** said, ' I am no traitor. I 
'' would thou shouldst well 
*' know thou art more traitor 
•* than I : it is not the part of 






• « 





an honest man to call me so.* 
And so went forth. When 
he came to the Tower gate, 
sir Thomas Bridges, lieute- 
nant, took him through the 
wicket^ first Mantel^ and 
said, * Ah ! traitor, what 
hast thou and thy company 
wrought ?' But he, holding 
down his head, said nothing. 
Then came Thomas Knivett, 
whom master Chamberlain, 
gentleman porter of the 
Tower, took in. Then came 
Alexander Brett, whom sir 
Thomas Pope took by the 
bosom, saying, * Oh ! traitor, 
how couldst thou find in thy 
heart to work such a villain v, 
as to take wages, and, being 
trusted over a band of men, 
to fall to her enemies, return- 
ing against her in battle?* 
Brett answered, ' Yea, I have 
offended in that case/ Then 
came Thomas Cobham, whom 
sir Thomas Poines took in, 
and said, ' Alas ! master Cob- 
ham, what wind headed you 
to work such treason ?* And 
he answered, ' Oh ! sir, 1 was 
seduced.' Then came sir 
Thomas Wyat, whom sir John 
Bridges took by the collar, 
and said, ' Oh ! thou villain 
and unhappy traitor, how 


The Church History 


jealous of 



A. D. 1554. 39. Long since had queen Mary sent for cardinal 

Pole, in Italy, to come over into England ; but 

ror^wl^^ Charles the emperor, by the pope's power, secretly 
retarded his return, fearing it might obstruct the 
propounded marriage betwixt king Philip his son 
and queen Mary. Indeed the queen bare Pole an 
unfeigned affection ; and no wonder to him that con- 

i. Their age ; he being about ten years older, the 
proportion allowed by the philosopher betwixt hus- 
band and wife. 

ii. Parentage ; she being daughter to king Henry 
the Eighth ; he, by his mother Margaret, (daughter 
to George duke of Clarence,) great-grandchild to 
Edward the Fourth's father. 

iii. Education : both, when young, brought up to- 
gether ; the aforesaid lady Margaret being governess 
of queen Mary in her infancy *. 

iv. Religion : both zealous catholics, and suffering, 
the queen confinement, the cardinal exile for the 


• ( 

couldst thou find in thy heart 
to work such detestable trea- 
son to the queen's majesty, 
who gave thee thy life and 
living once already, though 
thou didst before this time 
bear arms in the field against 
her, and now to yield her 
battle, to her marvellous 
trouble and fright? If it 
were not,' saith he, • but that 
the law must pass upon thee, 
I would stick thee through 
with my dagger.' To the 
which Wyat, holding his arms 
under his side, and looking 
grievously with a grim look 

'' upon the lieutenant, said, 
" ' It is no mastery now ;* and 
** so passed on. Thomas Wyat 
" had on a shirt of mail, with 
" sleeves very fair, thereon a 
'* velvet cassock, and a yellow 
" lace, with the windlace of his 
" dag hanging thereon, and a 
'* pair of boots and spurs on 
" his legs ; and on his head a 
" fair hat of velvet, with broad 
" bone-work lace about it." 
Chron. p. 622.] 

* [Pole was fifty-four, a fact 
of itself sufficient to refute this 
absurd supposition.] 

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 175 

His person also and nature was such as might a. d. 1554. 
deserve love ; and though a cardinal deacon, yet that — — ^!lL 
shallow character might easily be shaved off by the 
pope's dispensation ; so that there was some proba- 
bility of their marriage : and oh ! how royally reli- 
gious would their offspring have been, extracted from 
a crown and a cardinal's cap. 

40. But now, when the marriage with prince pooi at last 
Philip was made up, Pole at last got leave for Eng- forE^^a. 
land " ; and to v«dpe away all superstition of Luther- 
anism wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became 

a cruel, that he might be believed a cordial papist ; 
for meeting in Brabant vrith Emanuel Tremellius, 
requesting some favour from him, he not only denied 
him relief, but also returned him railing terms, though 
formerly he had been his familiar friend, yea, his 
god&ther, giving him his name at the font when 
Tremellius from a Jew first turned Christian *. 

41. Arrived in England, he was first ordained is. ordained 

priest) and 

priest, (being but deacon before,) and then conse- consecrated 
crated archbishop of Canterbury, by Heath, arch- ' °^* 
bishop of York, and six other bishops, the queen 
herself being present thereat, in the Franciscan 
church at Greenwich, one of those bankrupt convents 
which her grace had set up again y. Three days 
after, he was dedicated in Bow Church, in Cheapside, 
where, rich in costly robes, and sitting on a gilded 
throne, his pall was presented unto him. Adorned 
herevrfth, Pole presently mounts the pulpit, and 
makes a dry sermon ' of the use and honour of the 

^ [Where he arrived Nov. bishop until after Cranmer*s 

24,1554. See Stow, 625.] death, and received his pall 

» Parker's Antiq. 519, 523. March 25, 1556. Stow, 628.] 

y [He was not created arch- ^ [Parker's Antiq. 526-7.] 


The Church History 


to Rome. 

A.D. 1554. pall, without good language or matter therein, (may 

J !!Zl_ they all make such who take for their text what is 

not in scripture,) many much admiring the jejune- 
ness of his discourse, as if putting off his parts when 
putting the pall upon him. 

42. Now sat the second parliament in this queen s 
reign, wherein she parted with her supremacy to the 
pope ; and Pole, by his power legatine, solemnly 
reconciled England to the church of Rome ; that is, 
set it at open odds and enmity with God and His 
truth. Then did he dispense with much irregularity 
in several persons, confirming the institution of cler- 
gymen in their benefices, legitimating the children 
of forbidden marriages, ratifying the processes and 
sentences in matters ecclesiastical; and his dispen- 
sations were confirmed by acts of parliament, as in 
the statutes at large appear. Then was Anthony 
Brown, viscount Mountacute% Thirlby, bishop of Ely, 
and sir Edward Carne, sent on a congratulatory em- 
bassy to pope Paul the Fourth, to tender England's 
thanks for his great favours conferred thereon ^ ; a 

* [Created viscount Moun- 
tague, Sept. 2, 1554. See Stow, 
p. 625.] 

b [According to archbishop 
Parker, (Antiq. 525,) Pole ex- 
ercised this part of his legatine 
power in 1554, immediately on 
his arrival in England. At the 
time of his entry, a parliament 
was then holden at Westmin- 
ster, to which the cardinal was 
conducted with great solem- 
nity; and after a few words 
from Stephen Gardiner, bishop 
of Winchester, then lord chan- 
cellor, he proceeded to address 
the house, exhorting them to 

abolish such laws as had been 
passed during the separation of 
this kingdom from the Romish 
see, and to return to their alle- 
giance to that church. His 
speech, which was couched in 
very elegant language, was re- 
ceived in general with great 
admiration and applause ; his 
own party more particularly 
were loud in their praise, ex- 
claiming that the day was a 
day of new birth to them and 
their hopes. The speech was 
afterwards translated into Latin 
by the celebrated Roger As- 
cliam,and transmitted to Rome. 


of Britain. 


sad and certain presage of heavy persecution, which a. d. 1554. 
immediately did ensue. '— 

(Epist. p. 24.) And the car- 
dinal's legatine authority being 
at once acknowledged, he pro- 
ceeded, on the third day after, 
upon the supplication of the 
parliament, to absolve this 
realm, and afterwards to recon- 
cile it to the holy see. The 
form of absolution which the 

cardinal used on this occasion 
isprinted byHeylyn,Ref.p.2i2, 
Dodd in his Church History, vol. 
II. p. 62^ new ed. ; and a short 
abstract of the various letters 
and papers which passed on the 
occasion of Pole's coming into 
this country will be found in 
Burnet, Ref. III. 228, fol.] 






You may with much joy peruse this sad story of persecution 
presented unto yoUy whose grandfather , Francis Bowyer **, 
brought no fuel to these flames , but endeavoured to quench 
them. The Church is indebted to him for saving reverend 

a [Arms. Or, a bend vair, 
" of London, merchant, 1634," 
as he is entered in the Visita- 
tion for that year, (Harl. MSS. 
1476,) was the second son of 
Robert Bowyer and Margaret 
Cordell. The elder branch of 
the family, who enjoyed the 
honour of knighthood, were 
settled at Denham in the county 
of Bucks, where they still re- 
main at the present day. In 
the inscription on the father's 
monument in the church of 
St. Olave's Jewry, (see Stow*s 
Survey, vol. I. iii. 57,) erected 
by this and his other sons, they 
are all stated to be bachelors. 
Either he died without issue 

or removed from London, as 
his name does not occur in 
the Visitation of London taken 
about thirty years after. Fuller 
again acknowledges the kind- 
ness of this generous patron 
in his Pisgah Sight, (Map^ p. 
1 03 : ) '* Thomae Bowyer, viro 
*' antiquse fidei, mercatori Lon- 
*' dinensi, inter principes stu- 
*' diorum suorum fau tores me- 
*' morando, pro largo benefi- 
" ciorum imbrse recepto, &c." 
And in the larger map prefixed 
to the same work is a dedication 
to Robert Cordell, Bowver's 
n^aternal relation.] 

h Afterward sheriff of Lon- 
don, anno 1577, [and alderman. 
See Stow's Survey, p. 588.] 

CENT. XVI. The Church Hinlory of Britain. 179 

Dr. Alexander Noicel, {then schoolmaster of Westminster, 
designed to death by Bonner,) and sending him safe 
beyond the seas. UTitis he laid a good foundation, to 
which limpute the firm standtrtg of gaur family ,■ it being 
rare to see (as in yours) the third generation, in London, 
living in the same habitation. May many more of the 
stock succeed in the same, the desire of 

Your obliged Friend, 

T. F. 

E come now to set down those par-A.D. i.tsj. 
ticular martjTS that suffered in this J — !!Il, 
queen's reign ; but this point hath i^!j^of '"^ 
been handled already so curiously andf"""*™^'- 
copiously by Mr. Fox, that his industry 
herein hath starved the endeavours of such as shall 
sncceed him, leaving nothing for their pens and pains 
to feed upon. Foi' what can the man do that cometh 
after the king f even that which hath been already 
done, saith Solomon ". And Mr. Fox appearing sole 
emperor in this subject, all posterity may despair to 
add any remarkable discoveries which have escaped 
his observation. Wherefore to handle this subject 
after him, what is it but to light a candle to the 
sun? or rather, (to borrow a metaphor from his 
book,) " to kindle one single stick to the burning 
" of so many fagots ?" However, that our pains 
may not wholly be wanting to the reader herein, 
-we will methodize these martyrs according to the 
several dioceses, and make on them some brief ob- 
servations ''. 

° ficdes. ii. 12. shewed no severity to the re- 

^ [In reference to this mat- formers generally until after 

ler it ought in fairness to have Wyat's insurrection, in which 

been stated, that the qnecn treasonable attempt so many 


The Church History 


A. D. 1555. 2. In the diocese of Exeter (containing Cornwall 
;— and Devonshire) I find but one martyr, namely, 


inthedio- Agncs Priost *, Condemned by William Stanford, 
^/^ ■ then judge of the assize of Launceston, but burned 
at Exeter. The tranquillity of these parts is truly 
imputed to the good temper of James Turberville, 
the bishop ^, one as genteelly qualified as extracted, 
and not so cruel to take away the lives from others 
as careful to regain the lost livings to his church; 
and indeed he recovered to him and his successors 
the fee-farm of the manor of Crediton fl^. Yet to 
shew his sincerity in religion, that he might not 
seem to do nothing, he dipped his fingers in this 
poor woman's blood, but did not afterwards wash 
his hands in the persecution of any other protestant, 
for aught we can find in any history. 
Inthedio- 3. The like quiet disposition of Gilbert Bourn, 
and Weib. bishop of Bath and Wells, secured Somersetshire. 
Indeed he owed his life, under God, to the protec- 
tion of a protestant ; for Mr. Bradford, at Paul's 
Cross, saved him from a dagger thrown at him in 
a tumult ; and this, perchance, made him the more 
tender to protestants' lives**. Yet, in the register 

protestants took part; the sup- 
pression of which attempt, as it 
was the primary cause why 
many fled to Germany, so also 
did it serve for a continual pre- 
text to the council for urging 
the clergy to the extirpation of 

e Fox, 205 2. [III. 888, 1 01 9.] 

^ Holinshed, p. 1309. 

? [Of him Dr. Heylyn says, 

that he was " well born and 

" well befriended, by means 

** whereof he recovered some 

'* lands into his see which had 
** been alienated from it by his 
" predecessor, (Veysey;) and. 
** amongst others, the rich and 
" goodly manors of Crediton 
** or Kirton in the county of 
** Devon, in former times the 
** episcopal seat of the bishop 
'* of Exeter, though afterwards 
** again dismembered from it 
" in the time of queen Eliza- 
" beth, by bishop Cotton." Ref. 

^ [Fox, III. 17. Strype's 

CENT. XVI. ofBntain, 181 

of his church, we meet with one Richard Lush con- a. 0.1555, 
demned by him*, though his execution doth not-iL-!!lL 
appear ; and yet it is probable that this poor Isaac, 
thus bound to the altar, was afterward sacrificed, 
except some intervening angel stayed the stroke of 
the sword. 

4. So also the diocese of Bristol, made up ofinthedio- 

C6SC of 

Dorsetshire and part of Gloucestershire, enjoyed BnstoL 
much quietness. John Holyman the bishop did not, 
for aught I can find, profane himself with any bar- 
barous cruelty ; but Mr. Dalby, his chancellor, (as 
an active lieutenant to a dull captain,) sent three 
(namely, Richard Sharpe, Thomas Benyon, and Tho- 
mas Hale) to the stake at Bristol for the testimony 
of the truth ^. This Dalby, knowing himself to be 
low in parts and learning, and despairing otherwise 
to appear in the world, thought the only way to 
recommend himself to men's notice was to do it by 
his cruelty. 

5. More sparks of persecution flew into the dio- ^^ the dio. 

* -^ cese of Sa- 

cese of Salisbury, in Wiltshire and Berkshire, under Hsbury. 
John Capon, the bishop, and Dr. Jeffrey, his chan- 
cellor ; for this Doeg was worse than Saul himself. 
At Newbury he sent three martyrs to heaven in 
the same chariot of fire, Julius Palmer, John Gwin, 
and Thomas Askin I Yea, this was but a light 
flourish in respect of that great blow he intended, 
had not Heaven prevented him, and many others of 
his bloody crew, by the death of queen Mary ; 

Mem. III. ai. Unfortunately set in the pillory. See Strype, 

for Fuller's hypothesis, various ib.] 

protestant ministers took active ^ Fox^ p. 2004. [III. 826.] 
ports in this disgraceful tumult; ^ Fox, p. 2052. [III. 892.] 
for which one was afterwards l Fox, p. 1940. [III. 733.] 

N 3 

182 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. i555.wherebv, to use David's phrase, God smote them on 

^ ^ ^^' the cheek-hone^ and brake tlie teeth of the ungodly "". 

inthedio- 6. In the diocese of Winchester, consisting of 

^wj^A £wg 

wiDcho- Hantshire and Surrey, I find no great impression 

*^* from Stephen Gardiner, the bishop, and much marvel 

thereat °. It may be this politician, who managed 

his malice with cunning, spared his own diocese, 

fox-like preying ferthest fit)m his own den. . Indeed 

"' Psalm iii. 7. " care non queam. Non defue^ 
" [This prelate seems scarcely *' runt qui cursum benevolenlia 
to have received a fair measure *' illius in me conali sunt impe- 
of equity ; he was hardly (not " dire, religionis causa, sed 
to say unfairly) treated in the " nihil prof uerunt, Itaqueplu- 
preceding reign, and has missed *' rimum debeo Wintoniensis 
the commendation for his '* humanitati, et plurimum de- 
conduct during queen Mary's " beo. Neque ego solus sed 
reign to which he is justly en- " multi etiam alii experti sunt 
titled. Although the duke of " iUius humanitalem," Epist. 
Northumberland had proved p. 51, ed. Oxon, 1703, Ha- 
his bitterest enemy, yet Gar- drian Junius, another protest- 
diner had so much compassion ant, physician to Edward VI., 
for him as not only to visit this is no less warm in the bishop's 
unhappy man in the Tower, commendation^ (Epist. p. 1 2 j) 
but also to use his influence and finally, when some thoughts 
with the queen, that had it not were entertained at the com- 
been for the emperor, he would mencement of this reign of 
have gained her consent for the detaining Peter Martyr, the 
duke's life. (Burnet, III. 222.) bishop's fierce opponent, not 
In this very year, 1555, we find only was Gardiner's interest 
Roger Ascham, with whom in exerted in his favour, (the bi- 
religious opinions Gardiner shop being at that time lord 
could certainly not coincide, chancellor,) but he was also 
thus writing of this prelate in liberally furnished by the bi- 
a letter to another equally zeal- shop's bounty with all things 
ous protestant, John Sturmius: necessary for his departure. 
Stephanus Episcopus Win- Wood's Antiq. Univ. (>xon. p. 
toniensis summus Angl' Can- 275, fol. ed. This was surely 
cellarius summa humanitate no slight virtue in Gardiner^ so 
*' atque favore me complexus much more deserving of com- 
" est ; ut paratior fuerit Pa- mendation, especially consider. 
** gettusneinmecommendando, ing the unjust treatment with 
'* an Wintoniensis in me tuendo which he had been visited in 
<* atque ornando facile dijudi- the preceding reign.] 



of Britain. 


he would often stay behind the traverse, and send a. d. 1555. 

•^ 3 Mary. 

Bonner upon the stage (free enough of himself, 

without spurring, to do mischief) to act what he 
had contrived. Yea, I may say of Gardiner that he 
had an head, if not an hand, in the death of every 
eminent protestant, plotting, though not acting, their 
destruction ; and, being lord chancellor of England, 
he counted it his honour to fly at stout game in- 
deed, contriving the death of the lady Elizabeth, 
and using to say, that it was vain to strike at the 
branches whilst the root of all heretics doth remain. 
And this good lady was appointed for the slaughter, 
and brought to the shambles, when the seasonable 
death of this butcher saved the sheep alive ®. 

7- However, as bloody as he was, for mine own The au- 
part I have particular gratitude to pay to the memory tit^de ST" 
of this Stephen Gardiner, and here I solemnly tender o^^i^er. 
the same: it is on the account of Mrs. Clarke, 
my great grandmother by my mother's side, whose 
husband rented Famham Castle, a place whither 
bishop Gardiner retired, in Surrey, as belonging to 
his see. This bishop, sensible of the consumptionous 
state of his body, and finding physic out of the 
kitchen more beneficial for him than that out of the 

o [Tbe bishop died Nov. 1 2, 
1555. Stow, 627. The ca- 
lumny against Gardiner, men- 
tioned in the text, is sufficiently 
refuted by the queen's own de- 
claration, as Burnet observes, 
Ref. III. 227. Nay, more, it 
is certain from various authen- 
tic papers (Tytler, II. 339) that 
so ^r from plotting the death 
of the princess, Gardiner, at 
the hazard of the queen's dis- 
pleasure, interposed frequently 

in her behalf. See Notes to 
Dodd, II. 96. And yet, had he 
been over-watchful, he would 
not have exceeded his duty, 
since it is very well known that 
Elizabeth had been a party to 
Wyat's, and subsequently to 
Dudley's treason. In excuse 
for Fuller, it may be stated 
that he trusted to the asser- 
tions of that dishonest historian 

N 4 

184 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. apothecary's shop, and special comfort from the cor- 
"* ^^' dials she provided him, did not only himself connive 

at her heresy, as he termed it, but also protected 
her during hi? life from the ftiry of others. Some 
will say this his courtesy to her vi^as founded on his 
kindness to himself ; but, however, I am so far from 
detaining thanks from any deserving on just cause, 
that I am ready to pay them where they are but 
pretended due on any colour. 
inthediu. 8. Sussex Smarted more than all the forenamed 
Chester, couutics together, under John Christopherson, bishop 
of Chichester. This man was well learned, and had 
turned Eusebius his Ecclesiastical History into Latin, 
with all the persecutions of the primitive Christians. 
What he translated in his youth he practised in his 
age, turning tyrant himself; and scarce was he warm 
in his bishopric, when he fell a burning the poor 
martyrs : ten in one fire at Lewes p, and seventeen 
others at several times in sundry places. 
In the dio- 9* lu the dioccso of Canterbury cardinal Pole ap- 
J^ury.*'* P^^red not personally active in the prosecution of 
any to death. Whilst others impute this to his 
stateliness, not stooping to so small matters, we more 
charitably ascribe it to his favouring of the protest- 
ant party, having formerly lost the papacy under 
that imputation. But seeing it is a true maxim, 
which an heathen man layeth down, " It is enough 
" for a private man that he himself do no wrong, 
** but a public person must provide that those under 
" him do no injury to others," I see not how the 
cardinal can be excused from the guilt of that inno- 
cent blood which Thornton his suffragan, and Harps- 

P Fox, pp. 2003, 2004. [III. 799.] 




field his archdeacoD, shed like water in and about a. d. 1555. 
the city of Canterbury. ^ ^^' 

10. The diocese of Rochester, containing the re- in the dio- 
mainder of Kent, was of small extent ; but that ^ter. ^ 
flock must be very little indeed out of which the 
ravenous wolf cannot fetch some prey for himself. 
Morris [Griffin], the bishop, played the tyrant therein, 
being the first in queen Mary's days that condemned 

a woman (Margery PoUey by name) to be burnt for 
religion ; with many moe, who, at Dartford or Ro- 
chester, sealed the truth with their lives. 

11. Cross we the Thames, to come into Middle- in the dio- 

J -ni .1 •!• T J ji»T_ cese of Lon- 

sex and £issex, the diocese of London under bishop don, under 
Bonner, whom all generations shall call bloody ^. ^'*'*®''* 
St. Paul mentioneth his fighting with beasts at 
Ephesus after the mannei' of men ^ which some ex- 
pouxid his encountering with people, men for their 
shape and sex, but beasts for their cruel minds and 
manners : in the same sense we may say, that lion, 
tiger, wolf, bear, yea, a whole forest of wild beasts, 
met in Bonner, killing two hundred in the compass 
of three years ; and as if his cruelty had made him 
metropolitan of all England, he stood not on dis- 
tinction of dioceses, but martyred all, wheresoever 
he met them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gar- 
diner's jurisdiction, and often pleaded in vain that 
Bonner was none of his ordinary ; yet Bonner (or- 

4 [It is some mitigation in 
Bonner's cruelty, when it is 
remembered how continually 
and sharply he was urged by 
letters from the council to pro- 
ceed against heretics. See Bur- 
net, III. 228, 242, 244, 256, 
258. And again, in the last 
year of queen Mary's reign, we 

find a letter addressed by the 
council to Bonner, urging him 
to greater measures of severity. 
Burnet, ib. 263. Lay interfer- 
ence was just as injurious in 
this as in the preceding reign, 
only in a different way. See 
particularly Burnet, III. 246.] 
' I Cor. XV. 32. 


The Church History 

BOOK via. 

Under Dr. 

A.D.i555.(linary or extraordinary) dispatched him, who cared 
-iLU!2Lnot whence men came, but only whither he sent 
them. No sex, quality, or age escaped him, whose 
fury reached from John Fetty, (a lad of eight years 
old, by him scourged to death,) even unto Hugh 
Laverock, a cripple, sixty-eight years old, whom he 
caused to be burnt. 

12. Dr. Story, dean of Paul's % must not be for- 
gotten, being under Bonner a most cruel persecutor. 
Was not this false heraldry, cruelty on cruelty? 
Well, so it seemed good to Divine Providence, as 
conducing most to the peace of the church, that one 
place rather than two should be troubled with such 
damnable tyrants. Bonner persecuted by wholesale, 
Story by retail ; the former enjoined, the latter at- 
tended the execution ; what Bonner bade. Story 
beheld to be performed; yea, sometimes he miade 
cruel additions of his own invention, as when he 
caused a fagot to be tossed in the face of Mr. Den- 
ley the martyr, when he was ready to be burnt*. 
How he was rewarded afterwards for his cruelty, by 
God's blessing, in due place ". 

s [Dr. Story was not dean 
of St. Paul's, but Feckenham, 
afterwards abbot of Westmin- 
ster. See note in bishop God- 
win's Catalogue, p. 570.] 
t [Fox, Acts, &c. III. 390.1 
^ [Holinshed (p. 1 1 80) says 
that Dr. Story spoke to this 
effect in his speech (i Eliz.) 
in parliament : ** That whereas 
** he was noted commonly 
" abroad, and much com- 
" plained of to have been a 
** great doer and setter forth 
" of such religion, orders, and 
" proceedings as of his late so- 

*' vereign that dead is (queen 
" Mary) were set forth in this 
" realm, he denied nothing the 
'* same ; protesting moreover 
'' that he had done nothing 
'' therein but that both his 
" conscience did lead himthere- 
'* unto, and also his commis- 
" sion did as well then com- 
*' mand him, as now also doth 
" discharge him for the same ; 
'' being no less ready now also 
** to do the like, and more, in 
** case he by this queen were 
'* authorized likewise and com- 
" manded thereunto." He pro- 


(if Britain. 


18. Under the same torrid zone of persecution, a. d. 1555. 
but a little more temperate, lay Norfolk and Suffolk, ^- ---^'-^ 
in the diocese of Norwich. Bishop Hopton wasj^^^^"^ 
unmerciful in his visitations ; but Downing, the^'c^ 
chancellor, played the devil himself, enough to make 
wood dear in those parts, so many did he consume 

ceeded to say, that he was not 
sorry for what he had done, 
}>tit rather that he had not 
done more, and wished that he 
had struck at the root instead 
of thq biiindbes, &c. This was 
interpreted to mean the queen. 
That Story had been guilty 
of cruelty in his zeal for po- 
pery can scarcely be doubted ; 
he was a man of a hasty and 
▼ery warm temper, and a most 
earnest and passionate defender 
of what he called the catholic 
^th; yet, if we may credit 
his defence of himself at his 
execution, instead of exceeding 
his commission under queen 
Mary^ he endeavoured to miti- 
gate its severity. Ue asserts 
that, being a layman, he had 
no power to contravene the 
sentence pronounced by the 
bishop ; that on several occa- 
sions, when some of the pri- 
soners were sent to him, he 
kept them in his house, " with 
'* such fare," he says, ''as I 
** had provided for myself and 
" my family, at mine own cost 
'* and charge ; and to prove 
" that I am not so cruel as I 
** am reported to be, let this 
*' one tale suffice : There were 
" at one time twenty-eight 
" condemned to the fire, and I 
" moved the dean of Paul's to 
** tender and pity their estate. 



" which after was abbot of 
" Westminster, a very pitiful- 
" minded man ; I think the 

most part of you know him ; 
* it is 'M. Fecknam ; and we 

went' up and persuaded with 
" them, and we found them 
" very tractable; and Mr.Feck- 
" nam and I laboured to the 
** lord cardinal Pole, shewing 
** that they were * nescientes 
•' quidfecerunt,* The cardinal 
*• and we did sue together to 
" the queen, and laid both the 
" swords together, and so we 
*' did obtain pardon for them 
"all, saving an old woman that 
•' dwelt about Paul's church- 
*' yard : she would not convert, 
" and therefore she was burned. 
*' Yea, and it was my procure- 
" ment that there should be no 
" more burnt in London ; for 
** I saw well that it would not 
" prevail, and therefore we sent 
*' them into odd comers into 
*' the country. Wherefore I 
" pray you name me not cruel; 
" I would be loth to have any 
*' such slander to run on me." 
This speech is in Somers' 
Tracts, I. 485 ; and although 
published in a life of him writ- 
ten by a zealous protestant, 
contains the best defence of his 
conduct, and is exceedingly 
worth perusal.] 

188 The Chirch History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. to a^hes, whose several examinations are at large 

-i !!Zl set down in the Book of Martyrs, 

In the dio- 14. Ely diocese, Cambridgeshire, succeeds, whose 
'**'** ^'bishop, Dr. Thirlby, was a learned, discreet, and 
moderate man; witness his meek behaviour at the 
degrading of archbishop Cranmer, shedding plentiful 
tears thereat. But can water and fire, weeping and 
burning, come from the same person ? Surely so it 
did here ; for afterwards he singled out John Hullier, 
(as the representative for all the protestants in his 
diocese,) whom he caused to be burnt at Cambridge. 
The shedding his blood was as giving earnest of his 
zeal in the popish cause, though afterward he made 
no farther payment in this kind; justly offending 
the protestants for doing so much, yet scarcely pleas- 
ing the papists because he did no more. As for the 
execution of William Woolsey and Robert Pigot in 
this diocese, Thirlby was no whit interested therein ; 
but the guilt thereof must be shared betwixt Dr. 
Fuller, the chancellor, and other commissioners. 
In the dio- 15. In Peterborough diocese, consisting of North- 
terborough. amptoushiro and Rutland, I find but one (John 
Kurde, a shoemaker) burnt at Northampton ; but 
this his death I cannot charge on the account of 
David Pool, the bishop, as consenting thereunto, 
because William Binslev, bachelor of law and chan- 
cellor of Peterborough, was only his active prose- 
In the dio- 16. Liucolu diocesc is next, the largest of the 
coin. whole kingdom, containing Lincoln, Leicester, Hunt- 
ingdon, Bedford, and Buckingham, besides parts of 
Hertford and Warwick shires. Now, according to 
the rules of proportion, who could expect otherwise 
but the moe men the moe martyrs, the greater the 

CENT. XVI. of Britaw. 180 

province the more grievous the persecution? But a. 0.1555, 

it fell out the clean contrary, finding but one martyr — — 

in all that space of ground, a mercliant's servant, 
burnt at Leicester *. Frivolous is their reason who 
imputo this to the disposition of ^XTiite, bishop of 
this diocese the first half of queen Mary's reign, 
whom they behold as poetically given, of more fancy 
than fury, which vented itself in verses ; more pleased 
to lash the heretics with a satire, than suck their 
blood by destructive courses. As little credit is to 
be given to their conceit who ascribe the following 
tranquillity of this diocese to bishop Watson, Wliite's 
successor therein ; because he was a man so buried 
in the speculations of school-divinity, that it unac- 
tived him to be practical in persecution. I say 
again, both these reasons amount not to any partial 
cause of the peace of this diocese ; for we know full 
well that after the coming in of queen Elizabeth, 
this White and this Watson discovered keenness and 
fierceness of spirit against her, more than any other 
bishops ; insomuch that they threatened her with an 
excommunication. I conceive the true cause was 
this: Lincoln diocese, in the reign of Henry the 
Eighth, had borne the heat of the day, when Buck- 
inghamshire alone (as we have formerly observed y) 
afforded more martyrs than all England beside. God 
therefore thought it fit that other dioceses should 
now take their turns : that this of Lincoln, harraged 
out before, should now lie fallow ; whilst other coun- 
tries, like rest-ground, should suffer persecution, 
whereon indeed the ploughers ploughed^ and made 
long furrows, 

* Fox, vol. III. p. 706. y Lib. 4, cent. xvi. par. 2. 


The Church History 

BOOK viir. 

Quiet in 
four dio- 

A.D. 1555. 17. The dioceses of Oxford, Gloucester, Hereford, 
^' ^'^' and Worcester, under their respective bishops, Ro- 
bert King, James Brook, Robert Parfew, and Richard 
Pates, enjoyed much quiet ; it being true of them, 
what is said of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, after 
the conversion of Paul : Then had the churches rest 
throughout all those places *. This principally flowed 
from God's gracious goodness, who would not have 
all places at once equally embroiled. It is not fit 
that all the rooms in the house should only be chim- 
ney, furnace, or oven, but that it should also afford 
some other places for quiet repose. And yet I won- 
der much that we find no fire, and very little smoke, 
in Gloucestershire ; seeing Brook, the bishop thereof, 
is charactered to be " a great persecutor of protest- 
" ants *." Indeed his fury spent itself most abroad ; 
who, either being or accounting himself a great 
scholar, stickled much at Oxford against archbishop 
Cranmer, pretending himself to be a commissioner 
immediately delegate from the pope, and venting his 
malice against that good prelate in two orations, only 
remarkable for their length and bitterness. 

inthedio- jg, Ralph Bayucs was bishop of Coventry and 

cese 01 (Jo* 

* Acts ix. 31. 

a Isaacson's Chronology, p. 
477. [Merely from the fashion 
which people then had and still 
have of affixing the epithets of 
cruel persecutor to the Roman 
catholic prelates, without care* 
fully examining the foundation 
of such charges. The fact of 
no persecution being permitted 
in Gloucestershire ought to 
have been a sufficient proof; 
facts surely against the bare 
assertion of a compiler of no 

value or authority, especially 
when those facts are on the 
side of charity i Wood's cha- 
racter of this prelate is more in 
conformity with all that is au- 
thentically preserved respecting 
him : '*Quod ad Brochium atti- 
'' net, vir erat eruditione haud 
** vulgari, eloquentia minime 
" contemnenda, comitate vero 
'* morumque facilitate prOTsuR 
*' amplectenda inque pretio ha- 
•* benda." Hist. Univ. p. 278.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 191 

Lichfield, late professor of Hebrew in Paris, who ad. 1555. 

,3 Mary. 

also wrote a Comment on the Proverbs °, and dedi- 

cated it to Francis the first, king of France. Sure I i^cUfieS! 
am he forgat a passage of Solomon's therein, (Prov. 
xiv. 21,) But he that hath mercy on the poor^ happy 
is he ; this Baines proving a bloody persecutor of 
Grod*8 poor servants in his jurisdiction. The gentle 
birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewes was not too 
high for him to reach at ; and the poor condition of 
Joan Wast, a blind woman in Derby, was not too 
low for him to stoop to, condemning them both to 
death, with many other faithful witnesses of the 

19. The archbishopric of York enjoyed much in the dio- 
peace and tranquillity under Dr. Nicholas Heath, a^^, 
meek and conscientious man ^. It is enough to in- 
timate his moderate temper, equal and disengaged 

from violent extremities, that primo Elizahethce in 
the disputation between the papists and protestants, 
he was chosen by the privy council one of the mode- 
rators. And as he shewed mercy in prosperity, he 
found it in adversity, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, 
though deposed from his dignity, reposed in a peace- 
able quietness ; so that his impotent age might rather 
seem seasonably eased of troublesome greatness, than 
abridged of any requisites for his comfortable sup- 

20. Dr. Cotes was bishop of Chester, who washed in the dio- 
his hands in the blood of Mr. George March, burnt ^ter. 
at Chester; at whose execution I understand not 

the addition of a pitched barrel placed above his 

^ Pitz, In vita, p. 759. cellor on the death of bishop 

c [He was made lord chan. Gardiner. Stow, 627.] 

192 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. head, certainly to inflame the flame, but whether out 

-^-^^ '- of kindness to hasten his death, or cruelty to increase 

his pain, I dare not decide. Sure I am Cotes died 
soon after, and Cuthbert Scot succeeded in his 
bishopric, one very busy about the burning of Bucer's 
body in Cambridge, but otherwise I find no perse- 
cution raised by him in his own diocese. 
Peace in 21. The bishopric of Durham had halcyon days 
ric^of ikI?I of ease and quiet, under God and good Cuthbert 
Tunstall, the bishop thereof, a learned man, of a 
sweet disposition, rather devout to follow his own 
than cruel to persecute the conscience of others; 
indeed, he being present in London at the examina- 
tion of divers martyrs, would sometimes fly out in 
base and unbeseeming language, as when he called 
bishop Hooper beast for being married ; yet his pas- 
sion herein may the rather be pardoned, because 
politicly presumed, to bark the more, that he might 
bite the less, as appeared by his courteous carriage 
in his own diocese; for I meet with the marginal 
note in Mr. Fox **, which indeed justly deserved even 
in the fairest letters to be inserted in the body of his 
book : " Note, that bishop Tunstall, in queen Mary's 
'* time, was no great bloody persecutor ; for master 
" Russel, a preacher, was before him, and Dr. Himner, 
" his chancellor, would have had him examined more 
" particularly. The bishop stayed him, saying, * Hi- 
" therto we have had a good report among our neigh- 
'* hours ; I pray you bring not this man's blood upon 
" my head.' " But more of this Cuthbert Tunstall 
^"^.<5^ 22. The diocese also of Carlisle was not molested 


d Vol. III. p. 958. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 193 

with any great troubles under Owen Oglethorj), the a.d. 1555. 

bishop thereof, one qualified with a moderate tem- -i 1- 

per. It argueth no less, because afterward he crowned 
queen Elizabeth, an office which all other bishops 
then stiffly denied to perform. But, to speak plain 
English, though the peaceableness of these northern 
bishoprics proceeded partly from the mildness of 
those that sat in the episcopal chairs thereof, yet 
it must be remembered that even want of matter for 
persecution to work on conduced much to the peace 
of those places ; the beams of the gospel being 
neither so bright nor so hot in these parts, where 
ignorance and superstition generally prevailed. 

28. The same may be said of all Wales, where. The singu- 

-. .J 11 larityofthe 

castmg over our eye, we discover no considerable wshop of 
persecution under the bishops of Asaph and Bangor; 
but as for the bishop of Llandaff ®, his proceedings 
against good Rawlins White (whom he caused to 
be burnt at Cardiff) was remarkable, as standing 
alone, without precedent ; for he caused his chaplain 
to say a mass (the first, I believe, that found out, 
and last that used that way) for the conversion of 
the said Rawlins, though the same proved ineffec- 

24. But Dr. Morgan, bishop of St. David's, is The cruelty 
paramount for his cruelty, passing the sentence ofbishopof 
condemnation on Robert Farrar, his immediate pre- ®*"^^''- 
decessor, whom he caused to be burnt at Caermar- 
then. We know whose counsel it was. This is the 
heir, come let m kill him^ that the inheritance may be 
ours ^ ; and Morgan never thought himself in quiet 
possession of his bishopric whilst Farrar was as yet 

« [Dr. Kitchiii.] ^ Luke xx. 14. 


194 The Church History book viii. 

A- ^- «5S5- in possession of his life. However, herein Morgan 

'— out-Bonnered even Bonner himself, who (though not 

out of pity, of policy) did not himself condemn Rid- 
ley his predecessor, but procured him to be sent to 
Oxford, to be sentenced by others; whereas this 
bishop himself pronounced the sentence on Farrar, 
an act which no good man could, and no wise man 
would have done. Thus have we briefly surveyed 
all the dioceses in England, the universities of Cam- 
bridge and Oxford only excepted, which, being pecu- 
liars, and exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, are 
reserved for a particular description, by God's bless- 
ing, at the end of this book. Nor do we forget 
(though acted out of the continent of England) that 
cruel murder in the isle of Guernsey, where the 
infent bursting out of the mother's womb (the cruel 
fire being so merciful as to be the midwife, to sepa- 
rate and tender the innocent babe from the con- 
demned mother, to the charity of the beholders) was 
first taken out of the fire, and then cast in again ^, 
and burnt with the mother thereof ^. 

Md^kst' ^^' ^^ ^ ^^^® army of martyrs, Mr. John Rogers, 
of the mar- bumt in Smithfield February the 4tli, 1555, led the 
van ; and five martyrs bumt at Canterbury, Novem- 
ber the 10th, 1558, (namely, John Comford, Chris- 
topher Browne, John Herst, John Snoth, and Katha- 
rine Knight,) brought up the rear, according to their 
own prayer (not to say prophecy) at the stake, that 
they might be the last, as by God's mercy it so 
proved. All these were executed in the four last 
years of queen Mary's reign, none suffering in the 

^ Fox, vol. III. p. 747. only were exposed to persecu- 

K [Of the twenty-six dioceses tion, according to our author's 
here mentioned by Puller, nine statement.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 195 

first year thereof; in which time the butchers under a. d. 1555. 
her did only prepare their shambles for slaughter, -^ — ^^ 
whet their knives, and make ready their instruments 
of cruelty. Comparisons, I know, are odious, and 
the more when made betwixt persons of eminency ; 
however, to such as peruse the whole story, these 
proportions will appear true: Of all the Marian 
martyrs, Mr. Philpot was the best bom gentleman ; 
bishop Ridley the profoundest scholar ; Mr. Bradford 
the holiest and devoutest man ; archbishop Cranmer 
of the mildest and meekest temper ; bishop Hooper 
of the sternest and austerest nature ; Dr. Taylor had 
the merriest and pleasantest wit ; Mr. Latimer had 
the plainest and simplest heart ; &c. Oh the variety 
of these several instruments ! Oh their joint harmony 
in a consort to God's glory ! 

26. It is observable that the sacrament of the The 


altar WBB the main touchstone to discover the poor Ster the 
protestants. Many, indeed, are the differences be- ^^^ 
twixt us and the Romish church, but on this point P«>te8t»nt«. 
the examiners pinched most ; haply because, in other 
controversies, protestants (hunted after by those 
bloodhounds) might take covert under some tole- 
rable distinction, and thereby evade the danger; 
whereas this point of the real, corporal presence of 
Christ in the sacrament, the selfsame body that was 
crucified, was such downright falsehood, it was in- 
capable of any palliation, and was the compendious 
way to discover those of the contrary opinion. This 
neck-question, as I may term it, the most dull and 
duncical commissioner was able to ask ; and, thanks 
be to God, the silliest protestant soul brought before 
them was able to answer, first by denying it, then 
by dying in the defence of his denial. 

o 2 

196 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. 27. Remarkable was their cruelty in pretorturing 

^^"^' of many, whom afterwards they put to death ; herein 

Cruelty of ^{^ i^ their proceedings to Pilate, first scourging, 

pretortur- then crucifying Christ. By what law did Edmund 

^t^^' Tyrrell first bum the hand of Rose Allen, and her 

body afterwards? Even by the same that Bonner 

first burnt the hand of Thomas Tomkins, and then 

commanded him to be dispatched out of the way; 

by the same law that Cuthbert Simpson was first 

cruelly racked, and then burnt : even by the law of 

their own might and malice, not having otherwise 

any rag of legality to cover the shame of their 

cruelty. Nature was merciful in appointing that all 

men should once die^ ; whereas, had these tyrants 

had the ordering thereof, they would have made 

divers to have died sundry times: yea, such was 

their cruelty, that after once they had eat up ^ God's 

servants, if possible, they would have chewed the 

cud upon them the second time. 

Some com. 28. Somo commissioucrs privately were courteous 

missioners * •' 

of and by to the martyrs, who notwithstanding publicly con- 

themselves <j *■ *i 

courteous, currcd to their condemnation. It is Luther's ob- 
servation, that in scripture son of man is always 
taken in a good sense, but sons of men generally in 
the worst acception. Sure I am, take some of these 
men sole and single by themselves, they were well- 
natured, pitiful, and compassionate ; but when in 
conjunction with others, they became (at least by 
consenting) as cruel as the rest. What favour did 
Dr. Fuller, chancellor of Ely, offer William Woolsey 
and Robert Piggot, when alone ! yet, when in com- 

^ Heb. ix. 27. * Psalm xiv. 4. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 197 

plication with other commissioners, pronounced the a. d. 1555. 
sentence of condemnation upon them ^. *^' 

9Q. Pass we now from the judicial to the minis- Ministerial 
terial persecutors: sheriflfe, under-sheriffs, bailiffs, ^**'™**"^"' 
promoters, summoners, &c. The locusts had tails 
like unto scorpions^ and there were stings in their 
tails ^. So here in officers, the baser, the bloodier; 
the meaner, the more malicious; though, by par- 
ticular exception, some happened to be more mer- 
ciful than others. Of the twin-sheriflfe in London, 
(Mr, Woodroffe and Mr. Chester,) the former, like 
Esau, had his hands rough and hairy, being rugged 
and surly to God's servants ; whilst Mr. Chester, 
Jacob-like, had smooth hands, kind and courteous 
to such as suffered. Thus Amrie, as I take it, the 
sheriff of Chester, was most cruel to Mr. (Jeorge 
Marsh ; whilst the sheriff of Staffordshire (pity it is 
Mr. Fox hath not recorded his name) was afterward 
persecuted for shewing so much favour to Mrs. 
Joyce Lewes at her execution, when he said Amen 
to her prayer, desiring God to deliver this realm 
from papistry". 

80. One prison may, comparatively, be a paradise Difference 
in respect of another, and generally it is the gaoler *° pnsons. 
puts the difference betwixt them. How passionately 
did poor Jeremy plead, Cause me not to return to the 

k [And this is true of the which at least shews that natu- 

proceeding and temper of the rally he \vas not disposed to 

clergy generally. When men cruelty. The state was not 

were brought before them in more friendly to the church 

their official capacity, they)could in Romish than in protestant 

not shew mercy if they would, times.] 

Even Bonner himself was con- ^ Rev. ix. 10. 

stantly urged to greater mea- ™ Mr. Fox, vol. III. p. 839. 

sures of severity by the council. 


198 The Church History book viii 

A.D. i55s.Aow5^ of Jonatlum the scribe^ lest I die there'll and 

'- therefore he took it for a special favour to be sent 

to the court of the prison. How nasty a place was 
the dungeon of M alchiah, into which Jeremiah was 
afterward cast^ till Ebed-melech the blackamore 
drew him out thence. Now, amongst the finiitful 
generation of gaols in London, there were, though 
never a better, some less bad amongst them. I take 
the Marshalsea to be, in those times, the best for 
usage of prisoners ; but O the misery of God's poor 
saints in Newgate, under Alexander the gaoler! 
more cruel than his namesake the coppersmith was 
to St. Paul ; in Lollard's Tower, the Clink, and Bon- 
ner's coal-house, a place which minded them of the 
manner of their death, first kept amongst coals before 
they were burnt to ashes. 
Dr.Gefferey 81. It is more than suspicious that many of these 
proceedings, silly souls Were hurried to the stake even against 
those laws which then stood in force in the realm, 
before the writ de hceretico comburendo was issued 
out against them p ; for what the Jews said to Pilate, 
It is not lawful for tis to put any man to death % 
the ecclesiastical censures may say to the secular 
power in England : " We have no power of life or 
" limb, but the inflicting punishments on both must 
" be devolved to the civil magistrate." Yet Dr. 
Gefferey, chancellor of Salisbury, stood not on such 
legal niceties, but hastened them to the stake ', more 

^ Jer. xxxvii. 20. before ; and especially the sta- 

o Jer. XXX viii. 6. tute of the Six Articles, passed 

P [This is certainly a great in the reign of Henry VIII.] 

mistake ; for when the laws of q John xviii. 3 1 . 

Edward VI. were repealed, the ' Pox, vol. III. p. 896. 

canon here came into force as 

^^' CENT. XVI. of B.i*itain, 199 

minding the end to which, than the justice of the a. d. 1555. 

proceedings whereby, he sent them thither. 

32. All who met at last in final constancy mani- au the 
feeted not equal intennediate cheerfulness. Some Sike^eer- 


were more stout, bold, and resolute; others more 
jGsdnt, fearful, and timorous. Of the latter was arch- 
bishop Cranmer, who first subscribed a recantation, 
but afterwards recanted his subscription, and va- 
liantly burnt at the stake. Thus he that stumbleth, 
and doth not fall down, gaineth ground thereby, as 
this good man's sUp mended his pace to his martyr- 
dom. It is also observable that married people, the 
parents of many children, suffered death with most 
alacrity. Mr. Rogers and Dr. Taylor may be the 
instances thereof. The former of these, if consulting 
with flesh and blood, had eleven strong reasons to 
favour himself; I mean a wife and ten children; all 
which abated not his resolution. 

38. Besides these who were put to death, some of those 
scores (not to say hundreds) died, or rather were^prig^jn. 
killed with stench, starving, and strait usage in 
prison. I am not satisfied in what distance properly 
to place these persons ; some perchance will account 
it too high to rank them amongst martyrs, and 
surely I conceive it too low to esteem them but 
bare confessors. The best is, the heraldry of Heaven 
knows how to marshal them in the place of dignity 
due unto them, where, long since, they have received 
the reward of their patience. 

34. Miraculous was God's providence in protect- Queen 


ing many which were condemned to the stake. It death life to 
is part of the praise of his power, to hear the groan-^"^^^' 
ing of the prisoner ^ to loose those that are a/ppointed 

o 4 

200 The Church Huttory book viii. 

A.D. 1555./0 death K In David's fxpression, <Aer^ was but^n 
^ ^^' step between them and death * ; which step also had 
been stepped, had not one instantly stepped aside ; I 
mean the seasonable death of queen Mary. She, 
melancholic in mind, unhealthful in body, little 
feared of her foreign foes, less beloved by her native 
subjects, not over-dear to her own husband, unsuc- 
cessful in her treaties for peace, and unfortunate in 
her undertakings for war, having deceived the gentry 
of Norfolk and Suffolk by her false promise was 
deceived herself by a false conception : and having 
consumed so many of God's saints by fire, died her- 
self by water, an hydropical tympany. 

Protestants^ 35. Observablo was the mercy of the protestants 

mercy for <• 1 ■•1 

papists' to these persecutors, after the power wos delivered 
into their hands, under the reign of queen Elizabeth; 
by whom none of the aforesaid tyrants were prose- 
cuted or molested for any act of cruelty done by them 
in the days of queen Mary ; nor suffered they in the 
least degree on their former account, except they 
ran on a new score of contempt against the queen 
and state, as such bishops who, in the first of her 
reign, refused the oath of supremacy. Otherwise, 
all such as conformed to her government were not 
only permitted to enjoy their old, but admitted to 
new, preferment : witness Mr. Binsley, chancellor of 
Peterborough, who condemned John Kurde, of 
Northampton, yet in queen Elizabeth's days had 
the archdeaconry of Peterborough conferred upon 
him. Thus, while papists heap fagots on protestants, 
protestants, according to Solomon's counsel, heap 

8 Psalm cii. 20. t i gam. xx. 3. 

CENT. XVI. (if Britain. 201 

coals on them^, (courtesies and civilities,) to melt a. d. 1555. 
them, if possible, into remorse. . .^^ "^' 

36. But, though the protestants shewed much God's judg- 
mercy to the papists, their persecutors, yet the God waniy be 
of the protestants manifested much justice in their ^^' ^*^ 
VFoful and wretched deaths. I confess God's best 
servants sometimes have had sad and sudden ends : 
witness good Eli himself, who fell down and brake 
his neck\ I confess likewise that some wicked 
men, who have lived like lions, have died (to use 
the common country phrase) like lambs ; or, to use 
the expression of the psalmist, they have no bands in 
their deathly so fairly and quietly do they expire. 
It is not good, therefore, to be over-tampering in 
this particular, (our Saviour himself retrenching the 
censoriousness of the Jews for falling so heavy on 
the memories of those on whom the tower of Siloe 
fell %) and infallibly to infer from their fatal death 
their final damnation. However, when a remark- 
able death suddenly follows a notorious wicked life, 
even such passengers as are posting in the speed of 
their private afiairs are bound to make a stand, and 
solemnly to observe the justice of God's proceedings 
therein ; the rather because Bellarmine, our adver- 
sary, affirmeth that infelix ewittts eo^nim qui ecclesiam 
opptignant\ the unhappy end of the adversaries 
thereof is one of the marks of the true church. 
These cautions premised, take a few of many signal 
fatalities of these wicked persecutors. 

87. Morgan, bishop of St. David's, who sentenced God's visi- 
Farrar, his predecessor, not long after was stricken many of the 

" Prov. XXV. 22. a De Notis Ecclesise, lib. iv. 

* iSam.iv. 18. c.17. [Bellarm. Op. II. p.273, 

7 Psalm Ixxiii. 4. ed. Ingolst. 1601.] 

z Luke xiii. 5. 

20S The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. in so strange a sort, that his meat would rise up, 

'— sometimes out of his mouth, sometimes out of his 

nose, (most horrible to behold, but more terrible to 
endure,) and so continued till his death. Judge 
Morgan, who condemned the lady Jane, soon after 
ran mad, and so died, having always in his mouth, 
" Lady Jane, lady Jane ! " Dunning, the bloody 
chancellor of Norwich, died suddenly, taken, as 
some say, sitting in his chair. Berry, the remorse- 
less commissary in Norfolk, fell down suddenly to 
the ground with a heavy groan, and never stirred 
after. Thornton, the suf&agan of Dover, looking 
upon his men plajdng at bowls, was upon a sudden 
struck with a palsy, had thence to his death-bed, 
and, being advised by some to remember Grod, 
" Yea, so I do," saith he, " and my lord cardinal too." 
Dr. Geffery, the bloody chancellor of Salisbury, died 
suddenly on a Saturday, the day before he had 
appointed moe than ninety persons to be examined 
by inquisition. Mr. Woodroffe, that cruel sheriff of 
London, being but a week out of his office, was so 
stricken by the hand of God, that for seven years' 
space, till his dying day, he was not able to move 
himself in his bed. Burton, the cruel baily of 
Crowland, was poisoned to death with the stink of 
a crow's dung muting on his face. What shall I 
speak of Dale, the promoter, eaten up with lice? 
Alexander, the keeper of Newgate, consumed with 
offensive rottenness ? Robert Balding, smitten with 
lightning at the taking of William Seaman ? Clarke, 
who hanged himself in the Tower, with many moe * ? 

a [Very little trust can be from Fox ; some are grossly 
placed on these statements, false.] 
which are entirely borrowed 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 208 

So that we may conclude with the prophecy ofA.D. 1555. 

Moses, Rejoice^ O ye nations^ with his people^ for ^^ 

he wiU avenge the blood of his servants, and will 
render vengeance to his adversaries, and wiU be mer- 
ciful unto his land^ and to his people ^. 

38. And now, to take our leaves of those martyrs, what use 
what remains but, 1, That we glorify God, in and for o? the'niM- 
their patience, who had given such powei* unto men ^ /J™ '"^®^" 
2, That we praise God that true doctrine, at this 
day, may be professed at an easier rate than in that 
age ? In fairs and markets, for the most part, com- 
modities are sold dearest in the morning, which 
towards evening may be bought at a lower price. 
Sure I am they paid most for the protestant religion 
at the dawning of the day from popery, (life or 
limb was the lowest price thereof,) which since may 
be purchased at a cheaper pennyworth. 3, That we 
embrace and defend that doctrine, which they sealed 
with their lives; and, as occasion shall be ofFered, 
to vindicate and assert their memories from such 
scandalous tongues and pens as have or shall traduce 

89. It is inconsistent with our history here to Parsons 
enter the lists with that railing book which Parsons, against the 
the Jesuit, hath made against those good martyrs ; ^ing"n- 
only be it remembered that his cavil-general is*^®'^- 
chiefly at their calling, because they were most 
mechanics, weavers, shoemakers, &c. : an exception 
lying as well against just Joseph, a carpenter ; hospital 
Simon, a tanner ; zealous Aquila and Priscilla, tent- 
makers ; attentive Lydia, a purple-seller. And is it 
not injurious to infer their piety to be less because 
their painfulness was more? If it be farther ob- 

^ Deut. xxxii. 43. ^ Matt. ix. 8. 

204 The Church History book viit. 

A.D. i555.jected that it is improbable that these silly souls 

-i !2L should be more illuminate with knowledge than 

the great doctors of the Romish church, know that 
Christ's birth was revealed to the shepherds in their 
calling, watching their flocks hy night \ and concealed 
from the priests and Pharisees, the pretended shep- 
herds of Israel ; and God might give more light to 
these industrious artificers than to their idle Masters 
of Arts. 
Poverty 40. Bchold jfour calling^ (saith the apostle,) how 

^gotoge- that not many wise men after tJie fleshy &c. But God 
^^' hath chosen the foolish things of the world to con- 
found the wise ^. And always, in time of persecu- 
tion, the church is like a copse, which hath in it 
more underwood than oaks : for great men consult 
with their safety; and whilst the poorer sort, as 
having little to lose, boldly embrace religion with 
both arms, the rich too often do only behold it at 
distance, with a smiling countenance, but dare not 
adventure to entertain it, except with very great 
secresy. We conclude all with this observation, that 
such martyrs as were artificers by their vocation 
humbly continued in the station wherein Divine 
Providence had placed them, none presuming (as too 
many nowadays) to invade the ministerial function, 
not adventuring to preach, save only that their real 
sermon of patience at their death. 
A catalogue 41. go much for the first form of Christians in 

of confes- 
sors, with those days, which were martyred ; a second sort 

of re%e. succeeds, of such who, being confessors for the faith, 

fled into foreign parts from persecution. This their 

removal is not only defended from cowardice, but 

warranted for Christian policy by our Saviour's pre- 

d Luke ii. I. ^ i Cor. i. 26, 27. 


of Britain, 


cept, Btit when they persecute you in this city^ flee^-^* 1555- 

into another ^. Had all fled, religion had been at a !— - 

loss for champions to defend her for the present; 
had none fled, religion might have been at a loss for 
champions to maintain her for the future. We will 
give in a particular, both of such eminent persons, 
and of the places wherein they were entertained ; 
partly that such places may receive their deserved 
praise for their hospitality to exiles, and partly that 
our harbouring the banished Dutch (flying, many 
years after, from the cruelty of duke d'Alva) in 
London, Norwich, Canterbury, Colchester, and Sand- 
wich, may appear not so much the giving of a free 
and fair courtesy, as the honest paying of a due 
debt, and wiping off* an old score run on trust by 
our great-grandfathers. 


/ i. Embden, in East Friesland, a sta- 
ple town of English merchants. I find 
neither the names nor number of those 
that harboured here ; only it appears 
that John Scory, late bishop of Chiches- 
ter, was here superintendent of the Eng- 
lish congregation in Embden. 

ii. Wesel, then in the dominions, as 
I take it, of the duke of Cleve, but bor- 
dering on the Low Countries, in the pos- 
session of the king of Spain. The English 
meeting here was rather a chapel than a 
church, or rather a tabernacle than a 
chapel; because soon set up, and as 

\ suddenly taken down again. For they, 

^ Matt. X. 23. 


The Church History 


A. D. 1555. 
3 Mary. 



who formerly had fled so fiir from Mary, 
were now loath to live too near to Philip, 
and, for fear of so potent a neighbom*, 
quickly forsook this place, and disposed 
themselves elsewhere, in these four fol- 
lowing church colonies : 

iii. Arrow (r, a small city in Switzer- 
land, on the banks of the river Arrola, 
belonging to the republic of Berne. The 
most noted men abiding here were 

Thomas Lever, 
Robert Pownall, 
Richard Langhome, 
Thomas Turpin, 

[Edward] Boys, 
[John] Wilford, 
[Thomas] Upchaire. 

iv. Strasburg, where they found most 
courteous entertainment. The most emi- 
nent English abiding here, as may be 
collected from their solemn joint sub- 
scription to a letter ^, were 

James ^addon, Michael Reinniger, 
Edwin Sandys, Augustine Bradbridge, 
Edmund Grindal, Arthur Saule, 

Thomas Steward, 
Christopher Goodman, 
Humphrey Alcocson, 
Thomas Lakin, 
Thomas Crafton. 

John Huntington, 
Guido Eaton, 
John Geoffrey, 
John Pedder, 
Thomas Eaton, 

V. Zurich. This was no formed con- 
gregation of pastors and people, but ra- 
ther a flock of shepherds ; and therefore 
\ the letters unto them carry this style in 

» Troubles of Frankfort, printed anno 1575, p. 185; re- 
printed in the Phenix, vol. II. 44. 
1* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 23. 


of Britain. 




their superscription: "To the Students a. 0.1555. 
" at Zurich." But behold their names : J ^L, 

Robert Home, 
Richard Chambers, 
Thomas Lever, 
Nicholas Karvile, 
John MuUings, 
Thomas Spencer, 
Thomas Bentham, 

William Cole, 
John Parkhurst, 
Roger Eelke, 
Robert Beaumont, 
Laurence Humfrey, 
Henry Cockraft, 
John Price. 

vi. Frankfort on the Maine, where 
they found the state very favourable 
unto them. And this was the most visi- 
ble and conspicuous English church be- 
yond the seas, consisting of 

John Bale \ 
Edmund Sutton, 
John Makebraie, 
William Whitting. 

Thomas Cole, 
William Williams, 
George Chidley, 
William Hammon, 
Thomas Steward, 
Thomas Wood, 
John Stanton, 
William Walton, 
Jasper Swyft, 
John Gteoflfrey, 

John Gray, 
Michael Gill, 
John Samford, 
John Wood, 
Thomas Sorby, 
Anthony Cariar, 
Hugh Alford, 
George Whetnall, 
Thomas Whetnall, 
Edward Sutton, 
John Fox, 
Laurence Kent, 
William Keith, 
John Hollingham ^. 

» Troubles of Frankfort, p. 

^ [Almost all these exiles 
ere men of the very lowest 
lurch principles and most 
Dubtful orthodoxy. On their 
3turn to England^ they found- 

ed the various sects of dissent 
which afterwards troubled the 
church, and proved the greatest 
disturbers of the order esta- 
blished in this kingdom. As 
they began abroad with putting 
aside the Book of Common 

208 The Church History book vin. 

A.I). 1555- Here we omit their petty sanctuaries, having (like 

-^ ^ David) places where himself and his men were wont 

to haunt \ Deesburgh, Worms, &c., where their 
straggling numbers amounted not to the constitu- 
tion of a church. If these congregations be com- 
pared together, Embden will be found the richest 
for substance, (there the merchants which bear the 
bag ;) Wesel the shortest for continuance ; Arrow 
the slenderest for number ; Strasburgh of the most 
quiet temper ; Zurich had the greatest scholars ; and 
Frankfort had the largest privileges. Nor let any 
wonder if some in these catalogues, assigned to one 
colony, were afterwards found in another ; seeing the 
apostle's expression, We have here no biding city^, 
hath in it a single truth in time of peace, and at 
least a double one in time of persecution : men flit- 
ting from place to place as they were advised by 
their own security. Know also, that besides these 
(the first founders of these several congregations) 
many additional persons, coming afterwards out of 
England, joined themselves thereunto. 
A brief in- 4,3 Come WO uow to sct dowu the sad troubles 


to the troix- of Frankfort, rending these banished exiles asunder 
Frankfort, iuto SGvcral factious. This I dare say; if the reader 
takes no more delight in perusing than I in penning 
so doleful a subject, he will shew little mirth in his 
face, and feel less joy in his heart. However, we 
will be somewhat large, and wholly impartial in 
relating this sorrowful accident ; the rather, because 
the penknives of that age are grown into swords in 

Prayer, so, when they returned others the use of it in quiet.] 
to England, they would neither ' 1 Sam. xxx. 3 1 . 
use it themselves nor permit ni Heb. xiii. 14. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 209 

ours, and their writings laid the foundations of the a. d. 1555. 
fightings nowadays. '— 

43. The English exiles came first to Frankfort a church at 
June the 24th, and on the 14th of July following, fi^t grant- 
by the special favour and mediation of Mr. John^ *"j*^® 
Glauberg, one of the chief senators of that state, 
had a church granted unto them; yet so as they 
were to hold the same in coparceny with the French 
protestants, they one day, and the English another ; 
and, on Sunday, alternately to choose their hours, as 
they could best agree amongst themselves. The 
church was also granted thena with this proviso, 
** That they should not dissent from the French in 
" doctrine or ceremony, lest thereby they should 
" minister occasion of offence '*." On the 29th of 
the same month, our English, with great joy, entered 
their new church, and had two sermons preached 
therein, to their singular comfort ; about which time 
they constituted their church, choosing a minister 
and deacons for a time, and, out of conformity to 
the French, abrogated many things formerly used 
by them in the Church of England ; as namely, 

i. They concluded that the answering aloud after 
the minister should not be used. 

ii. The litany, surplice, and other ceremonies in 
service and sacraments, they omitted, both as super- 
fluous and superstitious. 

iii. In place of the English confession, they used 
another, adjudged by them of more effect, and framed 
according to the state and time °. 

iv. The same ended, the people sung a psalm in 
metre, in a plain tune. 

n Troubles of Frankfort, p. 6. [= 46.' 
o Troubles of Frankfort, p. 7. [=47/ 


810 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1555. V. That done, the minister prayed for assistance of 
^ ^^' God's Spirit, and so proceeded to the sermon. 

vi. After sermon, a general prayer for all states, 
and particularly for England, was devised, which was 
ended with the Lord's prayer. 

vii. Then followed a rehearsal of the articles of 
belief; which ended, the people sung another psalm, 
as before. 

viii. Lastly, the minister pronounced the blessing, 
" The peace of God," &c., or the like ; and so the 
people departed. 

What is meant by framing their confession accord- 
ing to the state and time I understand not, (must 
our confessions, as our clothes, follow the fashions of 
the state and place we live in?) except it be this, 
that it was made more particularly, not only for 
sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their present 
banishment justly inflicted on them for their offences. 
The prayer devised after sermon, according to the 
genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary 
prayer then conceived by the minister, but a set 
form formerly P agreed upon by the congregation. 
Thus have we a true account of their service ; con- 
ceive it only of such things wherein they diflfered 
from the English liturgy, not of such particulars 
wherein they concurred therewith : the cause, as I 
conceive, why no mention of reading of psalms and 
chapters in their congregation. These certainly were 
not omitted, and probably were inserted betwixt the 
confession and singing the first psalm. 
Other Eng- 44. Thus settled in their church, their next care 
gatiwas f]^ was to wrftc letters (dated August the 1st) to all 
Fi^tofort. ^^^ English congregations at Strasburg, Zurich, 

[P So in the original ; perhaps for * formally.*] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 211 

Wesel, Embden, &c., to invite them with all con- ^-^ '555- 

' ' ' 3 Mary. 

venient speed to come and join v«^ith them at Frank- 

fort. This is the communion of saints, v^ho never 
account themselves peaceably possessed of any hap- 
piness until, if it be in their povrer, they have also 
made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof. How- 
ever, this their invitation found not any great enter- 
tainment amongst the other English church colonies, 
all delajdng and some denying to come; but espe- 
cially those of Zurich were most refractory, and 
shewed least inclination to repair to Frankfort. 

45. This occasioned several reiterated letters from Th?e of 


Frankfort, pressing and requiring those of Zurich quickened 
" deeply to weigh this matter of God's calling, and Znhy^^' 
" the necessity of uniting themselves in one congre- 
" gation." Let none say that Frankfort might as 
well come to Zurich as Zurich to Frankfort ; because 
the English-Zurichians, though not in number, in 
learning and quality equalled, if not exceeded, those 
of Frankfort ; for Frankfort was nearer to England, 
and more convenient for receiving intelligence thence, 
and returning it thither. Besides, all Christendom 
met at Frankfort twice a year, the vernal and au- 
tumnal mart ; and grant there was more learning at 
Zurich, there were moe books at Frankfort, with 
conveniences to advance their studies. But chiefly 
at Frankfort the congregation enjoyed most ample 
privileges ; and it was conceived it would much 
conduce to the credit and comfort of the English 
church, if the dispersed handfuls of their exiles were 
bound up in one sheaf, imited into one congregation, 
" where they might serve God in purity of faith and 
" integrity of life, having both doctrine and discipline 
" free from any mixture of superstition." 

r 2 

212 The Church Hutary ofBriiain. book vm. 

A. D. 1555- 46. Notwithstanding this their importunity, those 

of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankfort, 

to"comnm! than by dilatory letters excusing themselves from 
^^^''^ coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity 
that all the English should repair to one place, con- 
ceiving it rather safer to adventure themselves in 
several bottoms, and live in distinct colonies ; others 
were displeased with the imperative style of the 
letter from Frankfort, requiring them to come 
thither, exceeding the bounds of counsel for conve- 
nience, into command for conscience ; yea, charging 
recusancy herein as a sin on the soul of the refusers. 
They pleaded they were already peaceably seated, 
and courteously used at Zurich ; and to go away 
before they had the least injury offered them, was to 
offer an injury to those who so long and lovingly had 
entertained them. Some insisted on the material 
point, how they should be maintained at Frankfort, 
there being more required to their living there than 
their bare coming thither. But the main was, those 
of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede fix)m the 
liturgy used in England under the reign of king 
Edward the Sixth ; and except these of Frankfort 
would give them assurance that, coming thither, 
they should have the full and free use thereof, they 
utterly refused any communion with their congre- 
gation ^. 

*i [The letters written by conveniences they must suffer 
the congregation at Zurich are in so doing, repair to Frank- 
marked with great good sense fort, on condition that they 
and sobriety. On receiving might be allowed to use the 
the invitation from Frankfort, service of the English Church, 
they professed in their reply, as established in the last years 
dated Oct. 23, 1554, that they of Edward VI.] 
would, notwithstanding the in- 







It is my desire fitly to suit my Dedications to my respective 
patrons f that what is wanting in the worth of the present 
may he partly supplied in the propemess thereof, which 
, m/xde me select this parcel of my History for your patron- 
age. I find sir Thmtms Wroth, your great grandfather^ 
of the ledchamber^ and a favourite to king Edward the 
Sixthy whoy as I am informed^ at his death passed out of 
the arms of him^ his faithful servant , into the emhro/ces of 
Christy his dearest Saviour. Soon after sir Thomas fomid 
a great chamge in the English courts hut no alteration (as 
too ma/ay did to their shame) in his own conscience^ in pre- 
servation whereof he was fain tofiy heyond the sea^s. To he 

a [Arms. Argent, on a bend 
sable^ three lions' heads erased, 
of the field, crowned or. (Visit. 
of 1634, p. 219.) He was the 
son of sir Robert Wroth, of 
Durants^in Middlesex, (p. 228,) 
and Mary, daughter of Robert 
earl of Leicester, who com- 
posed a romance called Urania. 
Sir Henry Wroth, who died in 
1667, was one of those gentle- 
men who signed the Royalist 
Declaration in 1660, (Rennet's 

Chron. p. 120,) and, after the 
Restoration, was to have been 
created one of the knights of 
the royal oak. His name is 
also mentioned in the title-page 
to Fuller's Pisgah Sight. 

Thomas Wroth, a relation of 
this sir Henry, was one of the 
republican commissioners for 
ejecting scandalous ministers, 
as they were called. See Wood's 
Athen. II. 257.] 

P 3 

ili Tht Church History book viii. 

a fugit'iDa ie a tin and ehame, bat an honour to be a volwi- 

tary eanlefor a good cause. Hence it it that I have teen, in 

your ancient home at Durance, the crest of your anns'*, 

icith ths extraordinary addition of »ahle vn/ngs, mmewhA 

alluding to those of bats, to denote your ancestor''g dart and 

secret flight for his safety. How>ever, God brought him 

home again on the silver wings of the dove, ich^i peaceably 

restoring him, in the days of queen Elizc^eth, to his large 

possessions. In a urord, I may tcisk you and yours less 

mediate trouble than he had in the course of his Hfii, ivi 

cannot desire you more float happiness in the close thereof. 

T. F. 

57n BOUT this time Mr. John Knox came 

from Geneva, and was chosen by the 

congregation of Frankfort for their 

constant minister. Let none account 

it incongruous, that among so many 

able and eminent English divines, a Scotchman 

should be made pastor of the English church ; seeing 

Mr. Knox his reputed merit did naturalize bim, 

though a foreigner, for any protestant congregation. 

At which time also Mr. [Richard] Chambers* and Mr. 

Edmund Grindal came thither as agents, with a letter 

from the congregation of Strasburg. This Strasburg, 

as in the position thereof it is almost seated in the 

just midway betwixt Zurich and Frankfort, so the 

English there residing embraced a moderate and 

middle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the 

two foresaid congregations. These made a motion, 

that they might have the " substance and effect of 

" the Common Prayer Book, though such ceremo- 

" nies and things which the country could not bear 

^ Viz. a Uoh'b head ernsed. this 
" [Nov. 4, 1 554. Concerning Mer 

r. Chambers, sueStrypti's 
III 141. 146.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 216 

" might well be omitted ^." Knox and Whittingham a.d. 1555. 
asked them what they meant by the " substance of -i — !Zl- 
" the book ;" and whilst the other wanted commis- 
sion to dispute the point, the motion for the present 
came to no perfection. 

2. However, it gave occasion that Mr. Knox and The Litur. 
others in Frankfort drew up in Latin a platform or land ten- 
description of the Liturgy, as used in England under Mr. Caivin, 
king Edward, and tendered the same to the judg-^^^^ 
ment of Mr. John Calvin in Greneva, to pass his*^®''®*^- 
sentence thereon. This is that Mr. Calvin whose 
" care of all the churches" is so highly commended 
by some ; and as much censured is he by others, as 
" boasting himself in another man's line," and med- 
dling with foreign matters which did not belong 
unto him. Take Mr. Calvin's judgment herein from 
his own letter, bearing date the 20th of January 
following : " In the Liturgy of England I see there 
** are many tolerable foolish things ; by these words 
** I mean, that there is not that purity which were 
** to be desired. These vices, though they could not 
** at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was 
" no manifest impiety, they were for a season to be 
" tolerated. Therefore it was lawful to begin of 
" such rudiments or abcedaries, but so that it be- 
hoved the learned, grave, and godly ministers of 
Christ to enterprise further, and to set forth some- 
thing more filed from rust, and purer." This 
struck such a stroke, especially in the congregation 
of Frankfort, that some therein, who formerly partly 
approved, did afterward wholly dislike, and moe, 
who formerly disliked, did now detest, the English 

d Troubles of Frankfort, p. 24. [= 56, 61.] 

P 4 

216 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1555. 3. In this case stood matters in Frankfort, when 

3 Mar), p^ Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of 

^nk Si^rs England, arrived there. This doctor was a man of 

Frankfort ^^ ^^^ Spirit, deep learning, unblamable life, and of 

great credit amongst his countrymen ; for he had 

been tutor unto Edward the Sixth. And well may 

the nurse herself be silent, whilst the well batteling 

of the babe pleads aloud for her care and diligence ; 

as here the piety and pregnancy of his prince-pupil 

added much to Dr. Cox his deserved reputation. 

He, with others, coming into the congregation March 

13th, discomposed the model of their service ; first, 

answering aloud after the minister; and, on the 

Sunday following, one of his company, without the 

consent and knowledge of the congregation, got up 

into the pulpit, and there read all the litany ^ 

Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon, 

preaching in his course out of Genesis, of Noah's 

nakedness in his tent, took occasion sharply to tax 

the authors of this disorder, avowing many things in 

the English book to be " superstitious, impure, and 

^' imperfect," and that he would never consent they 

should be received into the congregation. 

The senate 4 Here I omit many animosities and intermediate 

fort inter- bickerfngs betwixt the opposite parties ; especially 

Knox. at one conference, wherein Dr. Cox is charged to 

come with his inartificial argument ab autkoritate, 

ego volo habere ^, — " I will have it so." In fine, Knox 

his party, finding themselves out-voted by Dr. Cox 

his new recruits out of England, got one voice on 

his side which was louder and stronger than all the 

e Troubles of Frankfort, p. ^ Troubles of Frankfort, p. 

38. [= 72.] 40. [= 74.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 217 

rest : I mean the authority of the senate of Frank- a. d. 1555. 
fort, interposing on his behalf «^; and Mr. John Glau--? — ^^ 

berg (principal procurer of their congregation, as is 
aforesaid) publicly professed, that if the reformed 
order of the congregation of Frankfort were not 
therein observed, "as he had opened the church- 
" door unto them, so would he shut it again ^." 

5. The wringing of the nose (saith wise Agur '*) Mr. Knox 
bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of wrath bringethhigh 


forth strife. See here the Coxan party, depressed, ^ep'a^** 


embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and^*"^"™ 

accuse Knox to the state for no less than high trea- 
son against the emperor, in an English book of his, 
entitled " An Admonition to Christians," first pri- 
vately preached in Buckinghamshire, and now pub- 
licly printed to the world. Eight places therein were 
laid to his charge ; the seven last may well be omit- 
ted, the first was so effectual to the purpose, wherein 
he called the emperor " no less an enemy to Christ 
" than was Nero." Strange that words spoken some 
years since, in another land and language, against 
the emperor, to whom Knox then owed no natural 
allegiance, (though since a casual and accidental one, 
by his removal into an imperial city,) should, in this 
unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him by 
exiles of his own religion, even to no less than the 
endangering of his life. But what said Rachel of 
Leah? With great wrestlings have I tvrestled with 

« [Dr. Cox is much com- not surprising, as that writer 

mended by bishop Grindal for was himself one of these dis- 

his prudence in quieting these sentients. See Strype's Grind, 

dissensions^ although the author p . 12.] 

of the Troubles of Frankfort ^ Troubles of Frankfort, p. 

has most unjustly misrepre- 43. [= 76.] 

sented Cox's conduct ; which is i Pro v. xxx. ^^. 

218 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1555 my sister^ and I have precailed^ : with great, rather 
^ ' "'^' than good, wrestlings. Such, too often, is the bad- 
ness of good people, that in the heat of passion they 
account any play to be fair play which tends to the 
overturning of those with whom they contend. 
Hereupon the state of Frankfort (as an imperial 
town, highly concerned to be tender of the emperor's 
honour) willed Knox to depart the city; who, on 
the 25th of March, to the great grief of his Mends 
and followers, left the congregation. 

Officers 6. After the departure, or rather the driving away, 

chosen in « •«-■ t^ tx 1 • h it 

the new of Mr. Kuox, Dr. Cox and his adherents clearly 

gr^ation. Carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers 

in their congregation ; but first for a fit title for him 

that was to take charge of their souls, then for a 

proper person for that title. 

i. Bishop, though first in nomination, was declined 
as improper ^ because here he had no inspection over 
any diocese, but only a cure of a congregation ; on 
which very account Mr. Scory, (though formerly 
bishop of Chichester,) when preacher to the congre- 
gation of Embden, took upon him the title of super- 

ii. Superintendent was here also waived, as the 
same in effect, only a bad Latin word, instead of a 
good Greek. 

iii. Minister also was misliked for the principal 
preacher, (though admitted to signify his assistants,) 
perchance as a term of too much compliance with 
the opposite party. 

iv. Pastor at last was pitched upon, as freest from 

^ Gen. XXX. 8. 1 Troubles of Frankfort, p. 5i.L= 79-] 

CENT. XVI. of Briknn. 219 

exception, most expressive of the office, and least a. d. 1556. 
obnoxious to offence. — ^- — '— 

Then was Mr. Whitehead chosen their pastor n^, 
yet so as two ministers, four elders, and four deacons 
were joined to assist him. And because this was 
then as well an university as a congregation of the 
English, Mr. Home was chosen reader of the He- 
brew, Mr. Mullings of the Greek, and Mr. Traheme 
was made lecturer of divinity. In this new-modelled 
congregation I find no office by name assigned unto 
Dr. Cox, (more honour for him to make all than to 
be any officer,) who was virtually influent upon all, 
and most active, though not in the doctrinal, in the 
prudential part of church-government. 

7. As for the oppressed congregation, (so their ^Vhitting- 

_ ham heads 

opposites style themselves,) it was headed by Wil- the opposite 
liam Whittingham, one, though of less authority, ^**^' 
yet of as much affection to the cause as Knox him- 
self. This party continued their dislike of the 
Liturgy, calling it the " great English book "," 
offended, it seems, with the largeness thereof; and 
they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to 
avouch it) how " Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, 
" did present a book of prayer an hundred times 
more perfect than the Liturgy used in king Ed- 
vFard's days ; yet the same could not take place, 
because he was matched with so wicked a clergy 
" in convocation vrith other enemies ®." Besides 
this their old grudge against the Common Prayer, 
they were grieved afresh in this election of new 
officers in the English congregation, that their old 

«n Troubles of Frankfort, p. » Ibid. p. 40. [= 78.] 
52. [= 89.] o Ibid. p. 43. [= 82.] 

220 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. i55r>.oiBcer8 were neither legally continued nor fully dis- 
^' ^^^' charged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor feirly 

asked their consent, but no notice at all taken of 
them. In a word, never arose there a greater mur- 
muring of the Grecians against the Hebrews^ became 
their vndows were neglected in the daily ministror 
tion P, than here an heart-burning in the Whitting- 
hamian against the other party, for the affront offered 
to their old officers in this new election. 
Arbitration g. Here a moderate motion was made that the 

refused ^Y ^n •% <• 

the party of difference might be compromised and referred to 
arbitrators, which should be equally chosen on both 
sides. To this Dr. Cox his party would in nowise 
consent; whether because those pretended arbiters 
would be no arbiters, but parties, and widen the 
wound by dressing of it, or because, being already 
possessed of the power, they would not divest them- 
selves of the whole to receive but part again from 
the courtesy of others. However, this party lost 
much reputation by the reftisal ; for, in all contro- 
versies, that side recusant to submit itself to a fair 
arbitration contracts the just suspicion either that 
their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof fro- 
ward and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when 
two swarms of bees daily fight in the same hive, the 
weakest grow so wise as to seek themselves a new 
habitation, so here Whittingham and his adherents 
resolved to depart, and to seek their several pro- 
vidences in another place. 
The two 9. But, alas! these two sides had a sad parting 
asun^f blow : the oppressed congregation complained, that 
instead of their Vale^ they had a volley of ill words 

P Acts vi. I. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 221 

discharged at them, amongst which none so mortal a. d. 1556. 

to theh" reputation as the word schismatic, wherewith — 

the Coxians branded them at their departure. Much 
fending and proving there was betwixt them, whe- 
ther schismatic was properly appliable to such, who, 
agreeing in doctrine, dissented only in superfluous 
ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was concluded 
amongst them as to agreement. And now no pity 
shewed at their departure, no sending of sighs or 
shedding of tears on either side ; the one being as 
glad of the room they left, as the other were desir- 
ous of their own removal. 

10. If any be curious to know the names of such The names 
who separated themselves from this congregation of wenTto** 
Frankfort, this ensuing catalogue will acquaint him ^®"«^'*- 
therewith ^ : 

William Williams, John Hilton, 

William Whittingham r, C^hristopher Soothous, 

Anthony Gilby, Nicholas Purfote, 

Christopher Goodman, John Escot, 

Thomas Cole, Thomas Grafton, 

John Fox, William Walton, 

Thomas Wood, Laurence Kent, 

William Kethe, John Hellingham, 

John Kelke, Anthony Carier. 

Of these, Mr. Fox, with a few moe, went to Basil ; 
the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they 
were all most courteously entertained. And now 
who can expect less but that those still remaining 

^ Taken out of their sub- authors of those inflammatory 

scription to a letter, in the religio . political pamphlets 

Troubles of Frankfort, p. 47. which were so frequent in 

[= 85.] the reign of queen Elizabeth: 

' [Whittingham, Gilby, and eventually they were seques- 

Goodman were fierce and vio- tered for, nonconformity.] 
lent schismatics, and the chief 

9lStSt The Church Hutory book viii. 

A.D. 1 556. at Frankfort, as the same in opinion, should be the 
JL-!!L- same in affection, and live in brotherly love toge- 
ther? But, alas! man, while he is man, will be 
man ; and Sathan, the sower of tares, did set a sad 
dissension betwixt them, which we come now to 
The sad H. There was an eminent member of the con- 
bctwixt Mr. gregation in Frankfort, Mr. Ashley by name, one of 
Mn^S^m.^ a worshipful degree % and, as it seems, of a spirit 
(not to say stomach) no whit beneath his extraction. 
Now there happened some high words at supper 
betwixt him and Mr. Horn, then pastor of the con- 
gregation ; yet so that all the difference, by the sea- 
sonable mediation of the guests, was then seemingly 
composed ; but two days after Mr. Ashley was con- 
vented before the elders, where it was laid to his 
charge that at the time and place aforesaid he had 
spoken words slanderous to them and their ministry. 
Ashley appealed from them (as an adversary part 
against him, and therefore no competent judges) 
unto the whole congTegation, as men of estimation 
with both parties, to hear and determine the differ- 
ence betwixt them. 
Horn and 12. Hercat Mr. Horn and the elders were highly 
in discon-' offendcd, pleading that they had received authority 
J^"|; JJ^ from the whole church to hear and decide such 
cases, and were resolved not to depart with the 
power so legally delegated unto them. And whereas 
many meetings were made of Mr. Ashley's friends 
to debate his business, Mr. Horn and the elders 
condemned them as tending to schism; accounting 
their own presence so of the quorum to any lawful 

* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 55. [= 91.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, ^9& 

assembly, that without it all conventions were con-A.D. 1556. 
venticles. Yea, Mr. Horn and the elders, perceiving ^ ' ^^^' 

that Mr. Ashley's friends, being most numerous in 
the congregation, vrould bring his cause to be deter- 
mined by the diffusive church, fiilly and freely for- 
sook their ministry and service therein; preferring 
rather willingly to un-pastor and dis-elder themselves, 
than to retain the place without the power, title 
without the authority due thereunto. 

13. This deserting of their duty was by others whereat 
interpreted an high contempt of the congregation ; i^hi^Sy^** 
especially when, two days after, a full church met o^ended. 
with an empty pulpit, wherein none to teach the 
people. The Ashleyans, being far the major part, 

took exception that Horn and the elders should, so 
slightly and suddenly, quit what before they had so 
seriously and solemnly accepted ; as if their pastoral 
charges were like their clothes or upper garments, 
to be put off at pleasure, to cool themselves in every 
heat of passion. Besides, these men being married 
in a manner to their ministerial functions, could not 
legally divorce themselves without mutual consent, 
and the church's approbation thereof. 

14. Soon after, the state of the controversy was inquiry 
altered, Mr. Ashley's business being laid aside, andc^agamst 
another of an higher concernment taken up in thOandddtt-s, 
room thereof; namely, how the congregation should *^ *^*^'**®^* 
proceed against the pastors and elders, in case they 

were accused for misdemeanour; for hitherto no 
provisions were made, in the constitutions of this 
church, to regulate this case, if chancing to occur : 
whether because the compilers of those constitutions 
charitably presumed on the integrity of all such 
officers, or omitted the making any law against them 

224 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1556. in favour to themselves, (as most probable to obtain 
^ **'^* such places ;) or because no canons can at once be 

completed, but a reserve must be left for the addi- 
tions of others to perfect the same. But now eight 
were appointed to regulate the manner of the pro- 
ceeding of the congregation against pastor and elders 
if peccant, (who were without, or rather above, cen- 
sure, according to the old discipline,) which still 
inflamed the anger of Mr. Horn an^ his party. 
Mr. Cham- 15. A party much advantaged by Mr. Chambers 
of^j^tlce. siding therewith, because he was ke^er of the cha- 
rity conferred on, and contributions collected for, 
the congregation. Now, where goeth the purse, 
there goeth the poor : most in want were of Horn's 
side, in hope of the larger relief. This made others 
complain of Chambers, as an unjust steward of the 
church's treasure, too free to such as he affected, 
and bountiful only of taunts and ill terms to those 
of a different judgment ; making neither men's need 
or deserts, but only his own fancy, the direction of 
his distributions. 
The scandal I6. Now began their brawls to grow so loud, that 
sension. ^* their uext neighbours overheard them : I mean the 
state of Frankfort took notice thereof, to the shame 
of all, and grief of all good in the English nation ; 
for how scandalous was it that exiles of the same 
country, for the same cause, could not agree toge- 
ther. But man in misery, as well as man in honour, 
hath no understanding. Yea, they began to fear lest 
many Dutchmen, hitherto their bountiful benefac- 
tors, should for the future withdraw their benevo- 
lences, conceiving these exiles wanted no money, 
who had such store of animosities, and probably 
poverty would make them more peaceable amongst 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 225 

themselves. Their discords were the worse, becauseA.D.1556. 

the vernal mart at Frankfort did approach ; and it '— 

would be welcome ware, and an useful commodity 
for popish merchants meeting there, to carry over 
into England, and all the world over, the news of 
their distractions. 

17. Hereupon the magistrate of Frankfort inter- By the ma- 
posed to arbitrate their differences, but whether of ^^^ng^" 
his own accord, or by the secret solicitation of others, male^short 
is uncertain. Sure it is both parties solemnly dis-*"^*^^** 
avowed any secret practice to procure the same. 

The magistrate interposed his counsels rather than 
commands, appearing very upright and unbiassed to 
either party ; for though at the first he seemed to 
favour Horn and his complices, (out of that general 
sympathy which a magistrate beareth to all public 
oflScers,) yet afterwards, quitting their cause, he bent 
all his endeavours to make a reconciliation. By his 
edict it was ordered that the former pastors were 
put out of their functions, and made private men ; 
that new ones, or the same again, if the church so 
pleased, were to be chosen in their rooms ; that the 
treasure of the congregation should be kept jointly 
and distributed by the deacons, who at an appointed 
time should account for the same to the minister 
and elders ; and the day after, leave was given them 
to devise a new discipline with convenient speed 
amongst themselves, and tender the same, when 
dravm up, to the magistrate for his ratification. In 
fine, all seemingly were made friends, in token 
whereof they (both parties) joined hands together. 

18. Soon after, fifteen were appointed to draw up New dis- 
a form of new discipline; but this new discipline mak^ new 
occasioned new grudges, or rather revived the oldt/ons!^ 


226 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1557. ones. Though short the book, it was long before 
-^ — ^^ fiilly finished, because such as were concerned therein 

drew the sheets thereof several ways. Some would 
have the old discipline stand still in fiill force, others 
would have it only altered, others totally abolished. 
When the discipline was new drawn up, some re- 
quired months, and the most moderate more days of 
deliberation before they would subscribe it. In con- 
clusion, whereas the whole congregation of Frank- 
fort consisted then but of sixty-two, (understand 
them masters of families, besides women, children, 
and servants,) forty-two subscribed this new dis- 
cipline, and the rest refused. 
Mr. Horn 19. Presently they proceeded to the election of 
party pro- ucw pastors and ministers, when Mr. Horn, issuing 
u»t against j^^^ ^j^^ church with his party, cast a bundle of paper 

bills on the table standing in the middle of the 
church ; a table surely set there, not for the inflaming 
of discords, but the celebration of that sacrament 
which should cement them all in a comfortable 
communion. Those bills contained their refusals to 
concur in this election, because they could not in 
their consciences allow the discipline whereby it was 
made. However, the rest went on with their choice, 
and no one, (saving Mr. Wilford,) being formerly of 
the ministry, was now again elected: whereof this 
reason was rendered, because they, with Mr. Horn, 
had willingly relinquished their functions; and it 
was but just to take that from them which they 
cast away from themselves. Besides, it is said that 
some of them gave it out that if they should be re- 
elected, they would not accept thereof. 
The mat- 20. Hitherto we have had no mention, for a long 

ters put to. f* r^ r^ •■• 111 

moderators, time, oi Dt. KjOx ; and it may seem much that the 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 9,911 

activity of his spirit should be so long concealed, a. D. 1557. 

which makes some presume him absent all the while. — 

But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the 
former controversy, in defence of the Liturgy set 
forth in king Edward's reign, as concerning his sove- 
reign's honour and general interest of the English 
church concerned therein; whereas he hitherto stood 
neuter in this difference of Mr. Horn's and his com- 
plices^ as beholding it of narrower extent and less 
consequence betwixt particular persons. Whereupon 
the magistrate of Frankfort (not at leisure himself, 
because of the business of the mart, to examine the 
matter) appointed him, with Dr. Sandys and Richard 
Berty, esq., as men of estimation with both parties, 
to hear and determine the difference betwixt them. 

21. By the powerful mediation of which umpires a kind of 


they were persuaded into some tolerable agreement, made. 
though it was no better than a palliate cure. But I 
am weary of their dissensions, and therefore proceed 
to some more acceptable subject ; only let me add, 
that this whole story of their discords, with the 
causes and circumstances thereof, is taken out of the 
Troubles of Frankfort, a book composed in favour 
of the opposers of the English discipline ; and when 
the writer is all for the plaintiff, the discreet reader 
will not only be an unpartial judge, but also some- 
what of an advocate for the defendant. 

22. It is no less pleasant to consider than admir- The won- 
able to conceive how these exiles subsisted so long, vfdence^in 
and so far from their native country, in so comfort- ***® »»««<«- 

'f ' nance ox 

able a condition ; especially seeing Gardiner, bishop *^«»e p*^^ 
of Winchester, solemnly vowed so to stop the send- 
ing of all supplies unto them, " that for very hunger 
" they should eat their own nails, and then feed on 

Q 2 

228 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. >557- « their fingers' ends." But threatened folk live long; 

'- — and before these banished men were brought to that 

short bill of fare, the bishop was first all eaten up 
of worms himself. To reduce their subsistence within 
compass of belief, let the following particulars be 
put together *. 

Yet some- 23. Most of thoso clerffv-exiles were men well 

thing they ^^ 

carried over preferred in king Edward's reign. These, as they 
' were dissuaded by the due consideration of their 
ever-living God from being solicitously over-carking 
fbr the future, so were they advised, by their daily 
beholding of their consumptionish and ever-dying 
king, to be providentially careful for the time to 
come. This made them make hay in the sunshine ; 
and then got they good feathers, wherewith after- 
wards they did fly beyond the seas. 
Thebminty 24. Somo porsons of much worship and wealth 
nished gen- Were amongst them, who bountifully communicated 
fellow- ^ to the necessities of others. Of these the principal, 

Sir John Cheke, of whom largely hereafter *. 

Sir Richard Morison, of Cashiobury, in Hertford- 

Sir Fmncis Knollys, afterwards privy counsellor to 
queen Elizabeth. 

Sir Anthony Cook, (father-in-law to Cecil, after 
lord Burghley,) and famous for his learned daughters. 

Sir Peter Carew, renowned for his valour in Ire- 
land, where he died, anno 1576. 

Sir Thomas Wroth, richly landed at and nigh 
Durance, in Middlesex. 

» [This is one of Fox*s Nov. 12, 1555. See Godwin 

brazen legends. Gardiner died in Kennet, II. 351, note.] 

of a dropsy, his health having * Humphrey in his Life of 

been some time on the decline, Jewell, p. 88. 


CENT. XVI. of Britain. 229 

Dame Dorothy Stafford, afterwards of the bed- a. d. 1557. 
chamber to queen Elizabeth. — — ^^ 

Dame Elizabeth Berkley. 

These, accounting all their fellow-sufferers their 
fellows, fDrgot themselves, to remember the afflic- 
tions of Joseph ; being advanced so much the higher 
in the esteem of all who were wise and virtuous, by 
how much they degraded themselves in their helpful 
condescension to their inferiors. 

25, Many pious persons residing in England, but And of the 
chiefly in London, (which commonly counteq^oiseth unto them. 
the charity of all the land besides,) were very free 
towards their relief. Some of these, conscious to 
themselves of cowardly compliance with the super- 
stitions of the times, hoped in some, degree to lessen 
their offence by their liberality to such exiles as were 
more constant and courageous than themselves in 
the cause of the truth. And although great the 
distance betwixt London and Zurich, yet merchants 
have long arms, and by their bills of exchange reach 
all the world over. Richard Springham and John 
Abel, merchants of London, gave much and sent 
more to their support, as being entrusted to make 
over the gifts of many good people, utterly unknown 
to such as received them. That is the best charity, 
which, Nilus-like, hath the several streams thereof 
seen, but the fountain concealed. Such silent and 
secret bounty, as good at all times, to avoid vain- 
glory, is best in bad times, to prevent danger. As 
for Thomas Eton, a London merchant, but living in 
Germany, he was, saith my author", commmiis hospesy 

« Humphrey, ut prius. 

a 3 

5230 Tlie Church History book vii. 

A.D. 1557. the host-general of all English exiles; thanks (and 

--that foi-ced on him against his will) being all the 

shot his guests paid at their departure. 
Foprign 26. The king of Denmark, Henry prince palatine 

unto than, of Rhine, Christopher duke of Wurtemburg, Wolf- 
gang duke of Bipont, &C.9 with all the states and 
free cities wherein the English sojourned, were very 
bountiful unto them ; so were the Dutch divines, 
especially those of Zurich ; and take them in order 
as my foresaid author nameth them, Bullinger, Pel- 
lican, Bibliander, Simler, Wolphius, Lavater, Zuin- 
glius, whose short stipends would scarce reach to 
maintain themselves, and yet their thrift and charity 
stretched them so as therewith also to relieve others. 
Nor let learned Gesner be forgotten, that great 
natural historian, and no less loving of men than 
knowing in beasts, fowl, and fishes. As for Peter 
Martyr, he had a petty college in his house at 
Strasburg, (whereof Mr. Jewell was the vice-master,) 
wherein most of the clergy paid (if any) easy rates 
for their diet therein. 
Improved 27- Somo of the English scholars subsisted partly 
oXn indus- ^y their own pains, the making of books, the copies 
*'*y ' whereof were very beneficial unto them. Say not 
this argued saleable souls, (savouring more of the 
stationer than the scholar,) to sell their books ; yea, 
that it was a kind of simony in them to make profit 
of those their parts which God had freely bestowed 
upon them. For as it betrayeth a mercenary mind 
in those who, having plenty themselves, will sordidly 
contract for their copies, so such authors who are in 
want are faulty in being wanting to their own just 
relief, if neglecting moderate benefit by their own 
endeavours. Thus John Bale much advantaged 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 231 

himself by his folio edition of his Centuries; Mt.^'^-^sst- 

•rt / -r^ ^ Mary. 

Fox gained by his first (and least Latin) Book of 

Martyrs ; Mr. Laurence Humphrey was no loser by 
his making and setting forth his three books de 
nobUitate^ which he entitled Optimates, as by trans- 
lating Philo de Nobilitatey and Origen de recta fide^ 
out of Greek. Others employed themselves in over- 
seeing and correcting the press, especially about the 
English Bible, with the Geneva notes thereon. 

28. Such sums attained by their own industry, and God*» 
though small in bulk, were great in blessing, a divine aiw^rSi 
benediction being always invisibly breathed on painful 

and lawful diligence. Thus the servant employed in 
making and blowing of the fire, though sent away 
thence as soon as it bumeth clear, ofttimes getteth 
by his pains a more kindly and continuing heat than 
the master himself, who sitteth down by the same ; 
and thus persons industriously occupying themselves 
thrive better on a little of their own honest getting, 
than lazy heirs on the large revenues left unto 

29. One thing much kept up the credit of the Queen 
English exiles with the merchants and bankers be-sicSss^^ 
yond the seas; namely, the certain and constant ^{l^^^ 
report of queen Mary's decaying condition : daily *£®j!^®^ 
consuming, though increasing ; wasting, though swell- exUes. 
ing with an hydropical distemper, which could not 

be kept so close under the key of confession, but 
that it became the public discourse at home and 
abroad ; and although many reports of queen Mary's 
death were shot out at random, (whereof one, some 
months after, hit the mark,) and the same were 
proved to be false, yet thereby the news of her sick- 
ness gained a general belief. This gave reputation 

Q 4 

232 The Church History book viii. 

A. D. 1557. to such English in Gennany as were known to be 
_tl^y_'_ possessed of estates in their own country, enabUng 
them with trust to borrow convenient sums from 
any creditors, who would make probable adventures 
for their advantage, beholding the English very re^ 
sponsible in an approaching reversion. 

c'hek**^hi ^^* ^^ much of our English exiles, whom our pen 
unprosper- will sliortly handle under a better notion. Return 
we to sir John Cheke, lately mentioned, with a 
promise to enlarge his story ; though so sad in itself, 
we would willingly (but for wronging of the truth) 
have buried the same in silence. Well and wel- 
come, loved and respected, was this knight at Stras- 
burg, when he would needs return for Brabant ut 
UiVai'em ducereU to marry a wife, saith the printed 
Sleidan, but by mistake, (for he was married some 
years before, to a lady which long survived him,) 
instead of ut xunorem educeret^ that he might fetch 
forth and bring home his wife, lately, it seems, come 
out of England into the Low Countries*. He is said 
first to have consulted the stars, (would he had not 
gone so high, or else gone higher for his advice,) 
being too much addicted to judicial astrology. Now, 
whether here the error was in the art itself, as false 
and frivolous, or in his misapplying the rules thereof, 
(not well understanding the language of the stars,) 
more sure it is his journey had sad success ; for in 
his return from Brussels to Antwerp, no whit secured 
by his own innocence, nor by the promise of the lord 
Paget, nor by the pledging of sir John Mason for 
his public protection, nor by the intercession of his 
friend Feckenham, abbot of Westminster, to queen 

^ Fox, Acts and Hon., torn. III. pag. 761 . 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 233 

Mary, he, with sir Peter Carew, was beaten from his a. 0.1557. 

horse, tied hand and foot to the bottom of a cart, — 

thence conveyed hoodwinked to the next haven, and 
so shipped over under hatches unto the Tower of 

31. Here all arts were used on him, which might Recanteth 

., , J . J I .J orally, and 

prevail to drive or draw an easy soul surpnsed on a died for 
sudden, to make him renounce his religion; until ^®^^®^ 
hard usage in prison, joined with threatenings of 
worse, and fair promises on his submission, drew 
from his mouth an abrenunciation of that truth 
which he so long had professed and still believed, 
and thereupon was restored to his liberty, but never 
to his contentment; for such is the tyranny of 
papists, that they are not satisfied to take men's 
consciences captive by their cruelty, except also they 
carry them about in public triumph, as here Bonner 
got sir John Cheke unawares to sit in the place 
where godly martyrs were condemned 5"; and although 
he then did nothing but sit still, sigh, and be silent, 
yet shame for what he had done, sense of what others 
suffered, and sorrow that his presence should be 
abused to countenance cruelty, brought him quickly 
to a comfortable end of a miserable life, as carrying 
God's pardon and all good men's pity along with Sept. 13. 

32. Since his death, his memory hath done some History 
penance, (I say not to satisfy the failings in his life,) hirparent^ 
being wronged in his parentage, abused in his parts, ^' p®^^' 
and mistaken in his posterity. For the first, a learned "^y- 
pen ' (but too free in dealing disgraceful characters 

y Fox, ibidem. of Edward VI. p. 6. [Strype's 

* Sir John Hay ward's Life Mem. II. 472.] 

284 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1557-011 the subjects thereof) styleth him a man of mean 

5 Mary. "^ ' ^ 

birth, and generally he is made only the son of his 

own deserts ; whereas Mr. Peter Cheke, sir John's 
father, living in Cambridge, (where sir John was 
bom, over against the cross in the market-place, and 
where, by the advantage of his nativity, he fell from 
the womb of his mother into the lap of the Muses,) 
was descended of the family of the Chekes of Mos- 
ton in the Isle of Wight, (where their estate was 
about 300/. a year, never increased nor diminished 
till sold outright some twenty years since,) out of 
which Richard Cheke, in the reign of king Richard 
the Second, married a daughter of the lord Mon- 
tague. As for Duffield, his mother, she was a dis- 
creet and grave matron, as appeared by the good 
counsel and Christian charge she gave this her son 
when coming to take his farewell of her, and betake 
himself to prince Edward his tuition •. For his 
parts, the foresaid author with the same breath 
termeth him, so far as appears by the books he 
wrote, pedantic enough, that is, too much, to such 
as understand his meiosis. But had he perused all 
his works, and particularly his True Subject to the 
Rebel, he would have bestowed a better character 
upon him. Another writer ^ can find no issue left 
of his body, saving one son bearing his father's name ; 
whereas he had three sons by his wife, as aj^ears 
on her monument in St. Martin's in the Fields: 
1. Henry, the eldest, secretary to the council in the 
north, who on Frances Ratcliffe, sister to the last 

■ The mother of my aged ^ One that set forth his life 

and worthy friend Mr. Jackson in Oxford, anno 1641. [Pre- 

of Histons was, ^\^th many fixed to his True Subject to 

others, present thereat. the Rebel.] 

CBNT. XVI. of Britain. 235 

earl of Sussex of that family, begat sir Thomas Cheke, a.d. 1557. 

of Pyrgo in Essex, blessed with an happy issue; L 

2. John, a valiant gentleman, and Edward, both 
dying without any posterity. But these things belong 
to heralds, not historians. 

38. The sufferings of Katharine, duchess of Suffolk, The pU- 
baronessWilloughby of Eresby, late widow of Charies SH^ws 
Brandon, duke of Suffolk, since wife to Richard ^^^^*^^^- 
Berty, esq., must not be forgotten ; a lady of a sharp 
wit, and sure hand to drive her wit home, and make 
it pierce where she pleased. This made bishop Gar- 
diner to hate her much for her jests on him, but 
more for her earnest towards God, the sincerity of 
her religion ; and thereupon she was forced, with 
her husband and infant daughter, to fly beyond the 

34. It would tire our pen to trace their removals. True and 
from their house (the Barbican, in London) to Lioury. 
Key ; thence to Leigh ; thence over seas (being 
twice driven back again) into Brabant; thence to 
Xanten, a city of Cleveland ; thence to Wesel, one of 
the Hanse Towns ; thence to Windhein, in the Pala- 
tinate ; thence to Frankfort ; thence, by many inter- 
mediate stages, into Poland. Every removal minis- 
tered them matter of new difficulties, to improve 
their patience ; new dangers, to employ their prayers ; 
and new deliverances, to admire God's providence ; 
especially in their passage from Xanten to Wesel ^, 
in a cold February and a great thaw, after a long 
frost, on foot, in a dark night and rainy weather, 
through ways unknown, without guide to direct or 

^ [She was concerned in va- ^ See it at large in Fox, torn. 
rious treasons in this reign.] III. pag. 928. 

236 The Church Hist fory bool-vul 

A. D. 1557. company to defend them, leaving certain foes behind, 
J. — !21. and having but suspected friends before them. The 
end of their journey was worse than their journey 
itself, finding first at Wesel no inn to entertain them, 
able to speak little high Dutch for themselves, and 
other willing to speak in comfort to them. In a 
word, it would trouble one's head to invent more 
troubles than they had all at once ; and it would 
break one's heart to undergo but half so many, 
seeing their real sufferings out-romanced the fictions 
of many errant adventures. 
The vanity 35. No English subject had like foreign relations 

of rel&tions* 

with this lady, and yet they rather afflicted than 
befriended her : she had been wife to him who had 
been husband to a queen of France, yet durst not go 
into that country. By the confession of bishop Gar- 
diner himself, she and queen Mary were the only 
English ladies of Spanish extraction and alliance, 
yet was it unsafe for her to stay in any part of the 
Spanish dominions. The emperor owed her (as 
executrix to her husband, duke Charles) great sums 
of money, yet durst she not demand payment, lest 
the creditrix should be made away, and so the debt 
God the 36. Yet an higher emperor, even God himself, 

Desw QeDtoi*» 

seemed in some sort mdebted unto her {he thai 
giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord) for her bounty 
at home, in the height of her honour, to foreigners, 
protestants especially, in distress. 
Makes just 37. And uow that good debtor, God his pro- 
paynaen . ^jj^j^^^^ made full payment thereof, by inciting the 

king of Poland, at the mediation of the palatine of 
Vilna, (as he at the instance of John baron Alasco, 
who foraierly in England had tasted of this lady's 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 237 

liberality,) to call this duchess, with her husband a. d. 1557. 
and family, to a place in Poland of safety, profit, ^ ^^' 
credit, and command, where they comfortably con- 
tinued till the death of queen Mary. During these 
their travels. Peregrine Berty (carrying his foreign 
nativity in his name) was bom unto them, afterwards 
the valiant lord Willoughby of Eresby. To con- 
clude, let this virtuous lady her example encourage 
all to be good to all godly in distress, seeing hospes 
hodicy ei'os hospes^ the entertainers to-day may want 
entertainment to-morrow. 

38. My pen hath been a long time an exile from why the 
England, and now is willing to return to its native so^s/ient^hi 
soil, though finding little comfort to invite it thither, ^at^. 
and less to welcome it there. Only I find a parlia- 
ment called, solely commendable on this account, 

that it did no more mischief in church matters. 
Indeed the two former parliaments had so destroyed 
all things in religion, they gave a writ of ease to 
the rest in this queen's reign, to do nothing. 

39. The same reason may be rendered of the As also the 
silence in the convocation, where John Harpsfield,tion. 
archdeacon of London, and prolocutor, preached also 

the Latin sermon ® ; his text, (how suiting to the 
occasion, let him answer it,) Matt. xxi. 2, Ite in 
casteUum quod contra vos est, &c., where Christ 
sends two disciples to fetch him the ass and the 
ass colt. ' 

40. The clergy gave the queen a subsidy of eight a grand 
shillings in the pound, confirmed by act of parlia- granted, 
ment, to be paid in four years ; in requital whereof, 

by Pole's procurement, the queen privileged them 
from shewing their horses with the laity ; yet so as 

e Raster of Cant, in cardinal Pole. 

238 The Church Hhtory book viii. 

A.D. 1557. they should muster them up for the defence of the 
^ ^'"'^^' land, under captains of their own choosing. , 

Qiieen 41. Here we meet with a piece of valour in queen 

whirt HtoiiC Mary, daring to oppose the pope, and shewing that 
moI?de- h^r mother queen Katharine's devotion had not 
vout. drowned in her all the spirit of king Henry her 
father. Pope Paul the Fourfli, wholly fkvouring the 
French faction, and perfectly hating cardinal Pole, 
whom he beheld as the principal promoter of the 
late wars in France, sent cardinal William Peyto 
(born of an ancient family at Chesterton in War- 
wickshire '^) to ease him in England of his legatine 
power ; but the queen so ordered the matter, that 
by her prerogative she prohibited Peito entrance into 
England, and got the aforesaid power established 
and confirmed on cardinal Pole. 
The death 42. Somcwhat boforo we saw a great wonder, viz. 
cjardiner. the death of Stephen Grardiner, bishop of Winches- 
ter, not that he died, (being past sixty,) but that he, 
who lived so zealous a papist, should die more than 
half a protestant, as wholly one in the point of man's 
justification by the free mercies of God and merits 
of Christ 8r. John White, born in Winchester dio- 
cese, first schoolmaster, then warden of Winchester 
school, was by the premises so tempted to be also 
bishop there, that it made him digest the simony to 
succeed Gardiner, though on condition to pay a 
thousand pounds a year out of that bishopric to 
cardinal Pole, for his better support. 
Trinity 43. But the most pleasant object to entertain us 

Oxford at this time in England is the beholding of two fair 

founded by 

^Camden's Brit, in Warwick- p. 248.] 
shire, p. 424. [See Philips' Life & Fo\, Acts and Mon. [III. 

of Cardinal Pole, II. 185, ed. 527. I can find no authority 

1764; and Heylyn's Reform, for the succeeding statement] 


of Britain. 


and fresh foundations in Oxford^: the one, Trinity a. d. 1557. 

College, built by sir Thomas Pope, in the place '- 

where long since Thomas Hatfield, bishop, and Ro- p^^^^**"*** 
bert Walworth, prior of Durham, had built a college 
for Durham monks, which, at the present much 
decayed and ruinated, was by sir Thomas re-edified 
and endowed. I find this Mr. Pope (as yet un- 
knighted) principal visitor at the dissolution of 
abbeys S into whose hands the seal of St. Alban's 
itself WBS first surrendered. Now, as none were 
losers employed in that service, so we find few re- 
funding back to charitable uses ; and perchance this 
man alone the thankful Samaritan^ who made a 
public acknowledgment. 




Learned Writers, 

[1556.J Thomas Sly- 


Dame Eliza- 

[John Selden, the 

thurst I . 

beth Paulet 0. 

learned anti- 

['559'] Arthur Yd- 

quary. & ircpl 


irov irciraiScu- 

[1598.] Ranulph Ket- 



[The renowned 

[1643.] Dr. [Hanni- 


bal] Potter. 

Dr. [Robert] 




Insomuch that therein is at this present a president, 

*» [Trinity College in 1555, 
and St. John's in 1557.] 

» Weever's Funeral Mon. p. 
112. [He is described as of 
Tyttenhanger in Hertfordshire, 
in Anthony Wood. Hist, of 
Colleges, &c.] 

^ Luke xvii. 16. 

1 [Ejected by the visitors of 
queen Elizabeth for his religion, 
and cast into the Tower, where 
he died about 1 560.] 

™ [Put in the place of Dr. 
Potter by the parliamentary 
visitors in CromweH's time. 
Dr. Potter was restored in 

^ [Fourteen bishops, and 
among them Dr. Sheldon, are 
enumerated in Wood to 1781.] 

" [Her name is not men- 
tioned in the list of benefactors 
by Wood. She was the second 
wife of sir Thomas Pope, and 

240 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1557. twelve fellows, twelve scholars, besides officers and 

- - servants of the foundation, with many other students ; 

the whole number being an hundred thirty three. 

St. John's 44. The other, St. John's College, erected by sir 

Oxford Thomas White, (bom at Rickmansworth in Hert- 

sirTiiom^ fordshire,) a bottomless fountain of bounty, if we 

wiute. consider the ponds which he filled, and besides the 

running streams which flowed from him. Of the 

first kind were the cities of London, Bristol, and 

Coventry, on which he severally bestowed great 

sums of money to purchase lands therewith. His 

running stream I account that his gift which I may 

call the circulation of charity, being a legacy of one 

hundred pounds delivered out of Merchant Taylors' 

Hall on St. Bartholomew's Day, and lent gratis to 

four poor clothiers for ten years, in twenty-three 

several corporations. Thus, as a wise merchant, he 

conceived it safest to adventure his bounty in sundry 


Theoaa- 45, B^t the mastorpiecc thereof was his founding: 

aiunt) of St. John's College, in Oxford. Indeed his libe- 

rality baited first at Gloucester Hall, which place he 

re-edified ; but so small a hall was too little to lodge 

so large a soul in, which sought for a subject of 

greater receipt. A tradition goes of his dream, that 

he should in time meet with a place where two elms 

grew of the same height, and where his further 

purpose should take effect ®. Come we from what 

he dreamt to what he did, who, finding belike that 

tree-mark, by it he built and endowed St. John's 

afterwards married Hugh Pau- only benefaction consisted of a 

let, esq., of Hinton St. George, donation of to/.] 

in Somersetshire, and was bu- o Stow's Survey of London, 

ried in the college chapel. Her p. 91. 


of Briiahi,. 


College ; and being himself free of the company of a. 
merchant tailors in London, (where he was lord — 
mayor,) he ordered that that school should be a 
prime nursery to his college ; and out of it the most 
pregnant scholars are annually elected into this his 
foundation. It is now lately enlarged with addition 
of a new court and other benefactions, by the libe- 
rality of William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, 
whose body though it be obscurely buried at All- 
hallows Barking, grateful posterity will deservedly 
behold this building as hissjlasting monument p. 





Learned Writers, 

[1555.1 Alexander Bel- 

Toby Mat- 

Sir William 

Edmund Campion, 


thew, arch- 


Gregory Martin, 

William Elyr. 

bishop of 


Humphry Ely, 

[1563.] William Stoke, 


Sir William 

Henry Holland, — 

[or Stocker.j 

John Buck- 

Paddy, km'ght. 

fellows of this 

[1564.1 John Robinson. 

ridge, bishop 

doctor of phy- 

house, and vio- 

[1572.] TobyMatthew. 

of Ely. 

sic, commoner 

lent papists ^ 

[1577.] FrandsWillis. 


of the college. 

John Case, doctor 

[1590.] Ralph Hutch. 


He gave freely 

of physic u. 


bishop of 

towards the 

[Bishop Buck- 

[1605.] John Buck. 


building and 




furnishing of 

William Laud, in 

[161 1.] William Laud. 

Laud, arch- 

their library. 

his learned book 

[162 1.] William Jux. 

bishop of 

purchased to 

against Fisher. 

on 8. 


the college two 

[1632.] Richard Baylie. 

William Jux- 

perpetual pa- 

[1648.] Francis Chey- 

on, bishop 

tronages, and 


of London. 

much beauti- 

[1650.] [Thankful] 

Dr. Boyle, 

fied the chapel. 


bishop of 
Cork, [of 
in 1619.] 

p [The body was afterwards 
removed from Barking Church, 
and buried in the college cha- 

q [Deprived by queen Eli- 
sabeth for his religion.] 

' [Deprived also, for de- 
fending the supremacy of the 


pope, by the queen's visitors. 
He died in prison, 1609.] 

s [Deprived by the parlia- 
mentary visitors ; was restored 
in 1660.] 

* Pitzaeus de Script, [p. 776, 
781, 803, 808.] 

« [See Pitz. ib. 800.] 


242 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1558. The above-mentioned Dr. Case, sometimes fellow 

/» Til 

^^ of this college, married a wife, kept house in Oxford, 

and scholars in his house, teaching many youth logic, 
ethics, and philosophy. The university was so far 
from beholding this as an infringing of their privi- 
leges, that out of honour to this doctor's abilities 
his scholars, by special grace, were so far favoured 
that they were made as capable of degrees as if 
admitted gremials in the university. At this day 
St. John's hath a president, fifty fellows and scholars, 
a chaplain and a clerk, besides servants, commoners, 
and other students ; being in all an hundred and 

Calais lost, 46. Quecu Mary every day waxed more and more 

the queen 

melancholy, melancholy, whereof several causes are assigned. 
Some conceive her sorrowing that by negligence 
the key of France (Calais) was slipped from her 
girdle, which her predecessors wore by their sides 
more than two hundred years ; but now it is gone, 
let it go : it was but a beggarly town, which cost 
England ten times yearly more than it was worth 
in keeping thereof, as by the accounts in the ex- 
chequer doth plainly appear ^. 
Her grief 47. Others ascribe her sadness to her husband's ab- 
hand's ab- scuce, which had many and made more occasions to go 
*®"^' and stay beyond the seas, after he had found England 
not so useful as he expected, as having neither power 
therein nor profit thereby, (though as much as on 
the articles of marriage was promised him,) half so 
much as he had promised to himself; besides queen 
Mary her person was no gainer (scarce a saver) of 
affection, having her father's feature, a face broad 

^ And in a manuscript of sir Robert Cotton's own making. 

CENT. xvr. 

of Britain, 


and biff, with her mother's colour, a somewhat a. d. 1558. 

^' 6 Mary. 

swarthy complexion y. 

48. As queen Mary was not over fair, king Philip And death 
was not over fond, especially after he began to 
despair of issue from her. Indeed her physicians 
hoped her to be with child, till her misconceived 
pregnancy proved a dropsy at the last, whereof she 

died, having reigned five years and odd months. As Nov. 17. 
for the suggestion of Osorius the Spaniard, that the 
English protestants attempted to poison her, a 
learned author returns, Nihil hujusmodi dictum^ nee 
scriptumi fictitm^ nee pietum ^ being the bare inven- 
tions of his scandalous tongue. 

49. Within few hours after her death, died car- The death 
dinal Pole, archbishop of Canterbury, one who, the Pole. 
longer he lived in England, the less he had of an 
Englishman, daily more and more Italianating him- 
self, and conversing most with the merchants of that 
country: practising the principles of Italian thrift, 

his pomp was rather gaudy than costly, and attend- 
ance ceremonious more than expensive. By bills of 
exchange he made over much money to Venice and 
Rome; and fearing a bank in England, if queen 
Mary should fail, provided himself a bank beyond 
the seas. He procured of the queen the patronage 
of nineteen benefices unto his see% promised and 

y [^Extreme unction was ad- 
ministered to her at the mid- 
night of the 1 6th of November, 
1558, and early on the follow- 
ing morning mass was cele- 
brated in her bedchamber. She 
listened with that deep devotion 
which characterized her wliole 
life, appeared to be perfectly 

sensible and collected, and ex- 
pired about six o'clock in the 
morning, a few minutes before 
the conclusion of the service. 
Mr. Tytler from Gonzales, 
Reign of Queen Mary, p. 500.] 

2 Iladdon, Contra Osorium, 
lib. I. fol. 25. 

a [Parker, Ant. 528.] 

R 2 


The Church History 

BOOK viir. 

A. D. 1558. intended to repair the palace at Canterbury. He 

^IlLwas buried in his own cathedral, with this short 

and modest epitaph on his plain monument : 


Hugood 50. He always had a favourable inclination to 

'^^{jj*^p^ protestants, though, to wipe off the aspersion of 

testant. Luthcrauism, at last he grew somewhat severe 

against them, but expressing it rather in wronging 

the dead (whose bones he burnt) than hurting the 

^ [He outlived the queen 
but sixteen hours; she dying 
between the hours of five and 
six in the morning, and he 
about three o'clock the succeed- 
ing morning : *' ad tertiam horam 
*' noctis." Park. Ant. 5 3 2. God- 
win. At the time of his death 
he was in his fifty-ninth year. 

It is not easy to form a fair 
estimate of this cardinal's cha- 
racter, many of his panegyrists 
being guided in their opinions 
entirely by foreign biographers ; 
others, on the other hand, in- 
discriminately condemning him 
with the rest of the bishops 
who were active in suppressing 
the protestant religion ; arch- 
bishop Tunstall, in a passage 
quoted by Mr. Turner, (Ed. VI. 
p. 155,) reflects very severely 
on the cardinal, who was then 
engaged in forming an associa- 
tion against his own country : 
" The bishop of Rome has 
*' allowed to his purpose a 
** subject of this realm, Regi- 
'* nald Pole, coming of a noble 
** blood, and thereby the more 
*^ arrant traitor, to go about 
*' from prince to prince, and 
" from country to country, to 

" stir them to war against this 
" realm, and to destroy the 
*' same, being his native coun- 
*' try. This most unkind trai- 
** tor is his minister to so 
** devilish a purpose; without 
*' shame, he still goeth on ex- 
" horting thereunto all princes 
*• that will hear him." Sermon 
on Palm Sunday, 1539. This 
alludes to the cardinal's endea- 
vour to stimulate the French 
king and the emperor to under- 
take a war against this king- 
dom. But much may be said 
in his excuse, if this rumour 
of which the bishop spake were 
true, considering the savage 
cruelty exercised upon the car- 
dinal's mother and brother, and 
that he acted no otherwise than 
as an officer employed by the 
pope. Abstractedly of the fact 
that no instances of cruelty are 
charged upon him by protestant 
historians, it is no slight proof 
of the mildness of his character 
that he was the intimate friend 
of Sadolet, Contareni, Bembo, 
and other foreifsn scholars who 
were in the highest estimation 
for moderation and piety.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 245 

living. The papists accuse him for too much indul-A.D.1558. 

gence to the married clergy, because only parting ^ 

them from their wives, and depriving them from 
their livings ; but soon afterwards preferring the 
same persons to benefices of for better revenue ^. 
He was an absolute protestant in the point of jus- 
tification, much offended with the proud error of 
Osorius therein ; thus expressing himself : Non potest 
viribfis humanis nimium detrahi, nee addi Divin^e 
^aticB^ ; **Too much cannot be taken away from 
** man's power, nor given to God's grace." 

51. He left Aloisius Priuli, a gentleman of Venice, Leaveth 
his sole executor, to dispose of his estate to pious estate to 
uses, chiefly on the relief of foreigners. In England '"**' 
he had no want of near kindred, and some of them, 
for all their high birth, near akin to want ; yet he, 
passing them by, ordered that his whole estate should 
be conferred on Italians ; some condemning, some 
commending him for the same, as a deed of grati- 
tude, because those of that nation had formerly for 
many years relieved his necessities. His executor so 
honestly discharged his trust therein, that he freely 
disposed the whole estate to the true intent of the 
testator, insomuch that he left not any thing thereof 
unto himself, save only two small books, viz. a bre- 
viary and a diurnal, for a mere memorial®. Thus 
died cardinal Pole, neither of Italian physic wilftiUy 
taken by himself, as an English author insinuates^, 
nor of poison given to him by the protestants, as a 

c Sanders, De Schis. Ang. III. 468.] 

p. 245. e [Parker, Ant. 533. Phil- 

^ Haddon, Contra Osorium, lips, II. 21 i.J 

lib. II. fol. 58. [Strypfe's Mem. ' Fox's Acts, II. 957. 

R 3 


The Church History 







A. D.I 558. Spanish writer suggests, but of a quartan fever then 
_1J!ZL epidemical in England, and malignant above the 
ordinary nature of that disease ^. 

52. The funerals of queen Mary were performed 
with much solemnity and true sorrow of those of 
her own religion. White, bishop of Winchester, 
preached the sermon, taking for his text Ecclesiastes 
ix. 4, A living dog is better than a dead lion K One 
not present at the place might easily tell whom he 
made the lion, and whom the dog. Indeed he 
strewed all the flowers of his rhetoric on queen 
Mary deceased, leaving not so much as the stalks 
to scatter on her surviving sister'. This White, 

K [Parker, Ant. 532.] 
^ Pitz. de Script, p. 763. 
* [This is a great mistake, 
and conveys a strange misre- 
presentation of Winchester's 
sermon ; but Fuller derived 
his information^ in all proba- 
bility, from sir J. Harrington, 
a noted court satirist, and he 
is not the only author who has 
been misled by that writer. 
Winchester s sermon has been 
printed by Strype, in his Mem. 
III. 2. p. 277. His text is in 
these words : ** Laudavi mar- 
'* iuos magis quam viventes, 
•* sed Jeliciorem utroque judu 
" cavi qui necdum nalus est,** 
After endeavouring to shew 
how this observation of Solo- 
mon is reconcilable with the 
purer precepts of Christianity, 
he proceeds to shew that the 
condition of those who die in 
the faith is more desirable than 
that of the living. He then 
takes occasion to shew how an 
apparently contradictory pas- 

sage of Solomon ('' melius est 
" canis vivus quam leo mor~ 
" tuus'*) may be reconciled 
with his text. He then reverts 
to the original subject of his 
text 3 and so far is he from 
making any reflections upon 
queen Elizabeth, that the only 
place in which he refers to her 
is in these words : " And as 
** we for our parts have received 
" worthily detriment and dis- 
'* comfort upon her [queen 
*• Mary's] departing, so let us 
*' comfort ourselves in the 
" other sister^ whom God hath 
** left, wishing her a prosper- 
'* ous reign in peace and tran- 
*' quillity, with the blessing 
" which the prophet speaketh 
" of, if it be God*s will ; ut 
** videat filiosjiliorum et pacem 
" super Israel; ever confess- 
*^ ing that though God hath 
*' mercifully provided for them 
*' both, yet Maria optimam 
*' partem elegit ; because it is 
'* still a conclusion, Laudavi 


of Britain. 


being a tolerable poet, (for so one characterethA.D. 1558. 

him ^^) was an intolerable flatterer, and made use of ^^ 

his poetical license in the praise of popery. More 
modest and moderate was the sermon of Feckenham, 
abbot of Westminster, taking for his text Eccle- 
siastes iv. 2, 1 praise the dead rathei' than the living \ 
who preached also the obsequies of queen Mary ; 
either that he did it as an act of supererogation, or 
because it was conceived the more state for so great 
a prince to have a duplicate of such solemnities. 
The best is, the protestants of that age cared not 
how many (so it be funeral) sermons were preached 
for her. 

53. However, take queen Mary in herself, ab-Herde- 
stracted from her opinions, and by herself, secluded ^^gg. 
from her bloody counsellors, and her memory will 
justly come under commendation. Indeed she knew 
not the art of being popular »", and never cared to 

'' mortuos magis quam viven- 
** tesJ' If White was commit- 
ted for this sermon, as Strype 
says, (Mem. III. 466,) it was 
most probably for his reflec- 
tions upon Geneva, or for over- 
extolling the deceased queen, 
as the same writer thinks ; for, 
according to Goodman, queen 
Elizabeth was never much 
pleased at hearing the praises 
of her sister Marv; and it is 
certain that when White, in 
the course of his sermon, took 
occasion to describe the death 
of queen Mary, he fell into 
such a passion of tears, that 
his. utterance was choked by 
Lis sobbing and weeping, and 
a considerable time elapsed be- 
fore he was able to proceed.] 

^ Camd. in his £liz. in anno 

1 [Part of this sermon is 
printed by Collier, II. 405.] 

^ [It is certainly a great 
mistake that Mary knew not 
the art of popularity ; she 
would not stoop to it like her 
sister, and perhaps her Spanish 
connexion stood much in her 
way ; but in the instances 
where exertion was required, 
and she felt it her duty to 
appeal to the affections of the 
people, first in vindicating her 
claim to the throne, and se- 
condly in quelling Wyat's re- 
bellion, the effect which she 
produced was remarkable. 
There was honesty of speech 
and purpose about her which 

R 4 

248 The Church Hutory book viii. 

A. D. 1558. learn it, and generally (being more given to her 

ary^ beads than her book) had less of learning, or parts 

to get it, than any of her father's children. She 
hated to equivocate in her own religion, and alway 
was what she was, without dissembling her judgment 
or practice, for fear or flattery ; little beloved of her 
subjects, to whom though once she remitted an 
entire subsidy, yet it little moved their affections, 
because, though liberal in this act, she had been 
unjust in another, her breach of promise to the gen- 
try of Norfolk and Suffolk. However, she had be^n 
a worthy princess, had as little cruelty been done 
under her as was done by her". Her devotion 
always commanded her profit, and oftentimes did 
fill the church with the emptying of her own ex- 
Her and 54. Take oue instance of many: the hospital of 

hfii* ladies^ 

bounty to the Savoy in the Strand, founded by her grandfather 
LuorSIe king Henry the Seventh, and since dissolved, was 
Savoy. i^y YiQT crcctcd again ; and whereas the utensils 
thereof had lately been embezzled, (the house being 
left as bare as the poor people which were brought 
therein,) her maids of honour, out of their own 
wardrobe, furnished it with beds, blankets, and 
sheets ^. Were any of those ladies still alive, I 
would pray for them in the language of the psalmist, 
The Lord make all their bed in their sickness p. And 
he is a good bed-maker indeed who can and will 

never failed to secure her a " gard not the errors of her 

favourable reception.] *• religion."] 

« \j' She was a body," says o Stow, in his Survey of 

bishop Godwin, "very godly, London, p. 491. [Bk. IV. p. 107. 

" merciful, chaste, and every Strype.] 
** way praiseworthy, if you re- P Psalm xli. 3. 

CENT. XVI. fif Britain. 249 

make it fit the person and please the patient. But a. d. 1558. 
seeing such long since are all deceased, it will be no "^* 
superstition to praise God for their piety, and com- 
mend their practice to the imitation of posterity. 

55. Her body was interred in the chapel of king The place 
Henry the Seventh, in the aisle on the north side rial, 
thereof; and afterwards the corpse of her sister 
queen Elizabeth was buried in the same vault. Over 
both king James afterwards erected a most sump- 
tuous monument, though the epitaph inscribed 
thereon taketh no notice at all of queen Mary, as 
destined and designed solely to the memory of queen 
Elizabeth. But Mary's name still surviveth in many 
[Roman] catholic families, being (though never 
mother herself) godmother to many of her servants' 
sons, giving her own [Anthony -Maria, Edward- 
Maria, &c.] as an addition to their Christian 

56. Many great persons, chiefly of the clergy, God paveth 
followed her into another world ; whether out of a queen eu- 
politic sympathy that being raised by her, they would ^niiiig\o 
fall with her, or that, foreseeing alteration of reli- ^^® ^^^^ 
gion, and their own ruin, they died, to prevent death, 
heart-broken with sorrow. Besides, at this time 

there was a strange mortality, different from other 
infections, not sweeping but choosing, which did 
principally single out men of wealth and quality ^. 
Whilst such as make uncharitable applications pa- 
rallel this to the plague of the Israelites, which slew 
the wealthiest of them ^ we will only conceive that 

4 *' Communis qusedam lues '* honorantes personas depopu- 

" ex ardore febrium per univer- " labatur." Haddon, Contra 

'* SOS Anglise ordines permeabat Osorium> fol. 25. 

'' et in iOis maxime divites^ et ^ Psalm Ixxi. 32. 


The Church History of Britain. book viii. 

-^•^•' 558- God, intendiug to plant in queen Elizabeth, first 

cleared the ground by removing such as probably 

would oppose her s. Neither was it a small advan- 
tage unto her that the parliament sat at her sister's 
death ; after which they only continued so long as 
Nov. 18. jointly and publicly to proclaim Elizabeth queen*, 
and then they were dissolved **. Now, though her 
title was free from doubt, yet it was not so clear 
from cavils but that one, considering the power of 
the English papists at this time, and their activity 
at all times, will conclude they might have (though 
not hurt, troubled, and though not hindered) dis- 
turbed her succession ; whereas now, being so so- 
lemnly proclaimed, it gave n^uch countenance and 
some strength to her right, being done by the whole 
state in so weighty a manner that it crushed in 
pieces all hopes of private oppositions. Thus those 
whom God will have to rise shall never want hands 
to lift them up. 

8 [Queen Mary died the 17th 
of November, 1558. Strype's 
An. I. I.] 

* Holinshed, II. 1170. 

u [Elizabeth was proclaimed 
before Mary's death, who was 
so far from putting any obstacle 
in the way of her sister's suc- 
cession, as some have asserted, 

that she expressed herself much 
pleased when the proposal was 
made to her ; only adding two 
requests, that her debts should 
be paid, anfl the old religion 
be maintained, which she had 
some reason to expect, as Eli- 
zabeth always professed her 
attachment to it.] 










HAVE ever dissented from their opi- 
nion who maintain that the world was 
created a level champaign, mountains 
being only the prodnct of Noah's flood, 
where the violence of the waters aggested the earth. 

■ [" Most children ."observes 
Lloyd in bis Memoirs, p. 1 28, 
" are notified by their parents; 
" yet some fatliers are made 
" eminent by their children : as 
" Simon of Cyrene is known 
" by this character, — the father 
" of Alexander and Rufus ; 
" and this honourable person 
" [George baron of Berkeley] 
" by this happy circumstance, 
" — that he was fatlier to the 
" right honourable George lord 
" Berkeley, [the subject of the 
" Dedication,] who hath been 
" as bountiful to the Church 
" of England and its sulfcriiig 
" members of late, (witness Dr. 
" Pearson, Dr. Fuller, &c.) as 

' his honourable ancestors were 
' to the same church and its 
' devout members formerly, 
' when there were twelve ab- 
' beys of their erection, which 
' enjoyed twenty-eight knights' 
' fees of their donation ; that 
■ noble family now, as well as 
' then, deserving to wear an 
' abbot's mitre for the crest of 
' their arms, so loving they 
' have been always to the 
' clergy, and so ready to build 
* them synagogues and endow 
' them, not only with worthy 
' maintenance, but with emi- 
' nent incumbents, such whose 
' gifts the church wanted more 
' than they its i 



gored out of the hollow valleys ; for we read how, 
in that deluge, the fnountains were (not then as 
upstarts first caused, but as old standards, newly) 

covered ^. 

As much do I differ from their false position, 
who affirm that all being equal in the loins of Adam 
and womb of Eve, honour was only the efltect of 
human ambition in such whose pride or power ad- 
vanced themselves above others ; whereas it was 
adequate to the creation, as originally fixed, in 
eldership or primogeniture, and afterwards, by 
Divine Providence, (the sole fountain thereof,) 
conferred on others, either out of love, by nothing 
less than his express commission for their good, or 
hatred, by somewhat more than his bare permission 
for their ruin. 

The three sons of David serve us for the three- 
fold division of honour : 

i. Absalom said, that I were made judge in the 
land ^ ! 

"nest men in the worst of 
** times finding him their pa- 
** tron, and ingenious men in 
•* the best of times enjoying 
'* him at once their encourage- 
ment and their example ; be- 
ing happy to a great degree 
** in that ingenuity himself that 
*' he doth so much promote in 
'* others. May there never 
** want worthy men that may 
" deserve such a noble patron ; 
** and may noble persons never 



" be wanting that may encou- 
" rage such worthy men." To 
this noble and exemplary pa- 
tron Fuller also dedicated his 
Appeal of Injured Innocence. 
He succeeded to the title of 
Berkeley in 1658, and died in 
1698. Besides his other acts 
of generosity, he gave a large 
collection of books to Sion Col- 
lege. Collins^ III. 617.] 

^ Gen. vii. 20. 

c 2 Sam, XV. 4. 


ii. Adonijah exalted himself^ saying^ I will be 
king ^. 

iii. Solomon said nothing; but David said, (and 
God confinned his words, Assuredly he shall reign 
after me ®. 

The first sought by secret ambition to surprise 
his father's subjects. 

The second went a more bold and blunt way 
to work, by open usurpation ; but both finally mis- 

The third reached not at all at honour, but only 
happily held what was put into his hands. 

But when outward greatness (as in the last in- 
stance) is attended with inward grace, all Christian 
beholders thereof are indebted to a double tribute 
of respect to that person whose honour is marshalled 
according to the apostolical equipage * : BUT 
standeth like a shield in the middle, with glory and 
peace as supporters on each side. And this is that 
honour, the zealous pursuit whereof I humbly recom- 
mend unto you. 

Nor will you be offended at this my counsel, as 
if it imported a suspicion of your present practice, 
who know well what St. Paul saith. Edify one 
another^ even as ye do^. It is no tautology to 
advise good people to do what they do : such pre- 

^ I Kings i. 5. ^ Rom. ii. 12. 

e I Kings i. 17. Si Thess v. 1 1. 


cepts are praises, such counsels commendations. 
And in this notion do I tender my humble advice 
to your consideration. 

Remember the modesty of David in asking, One 
thing have I desired of the Lord **, viz. to be con- 
stantly present at his public service. And behold 
the bounty of God in giving three for one: And 
he died in a good old age^ full of days, riches^ and 
honour ^ Such measure may you assuredly expect 
from him, if before and above all things seeking 
for that one thing which is needful; the rather 
because God hath done great things for you already, 
for which you have cause to rejoice. 

A great and good man said to his fellow-servants, 
Seemeth it a small thing to you to he son-in-law to 
a king ^f A greater honour was done to your first 
ancestor, who was son to a king, namely, to Har- 
dinge, king of Denmark, whence Fitz-Harding, your 
most ancient surname. But labour, sir, for a higher 
honour than both : even to be led by God's Spirit ; 
and then you shall be, even in the language of 
the apostle himself, Fitz-Dieu, a son of God \ 

Now, as your eminent bounty unto me may 
justly challenge the choicest of my best endeavours, 
so the particular motive inducing me to dedicate 
this Book to your honour is, because it containeth 
the reign of queen Elizabeth, to whom you are so 
nearly related ; whose grandmother proved her heir, 

l> Psalm xxvii. 4. "^ 1 Sam. xviii. 23. 

> I Cor. xxix. 28, 1 Rom. viii. 14. 


by Anne Boleyn, her mother ™ ; in which capacity 
some of that queen*s (or rather the lady Elizabeth's) 
movables and jewels, which were her mother's, de- 
scended unto her. You may therefore challenge an 
interest most properly in this part of my History. 

And now what remaineth but my humble and 
hearty prayers to the Divine Majesty for his blessing 
on yourself, and on your hopeful issue, that God 
would plentifully pour all his favours of this and a 
better life upon them ? 

Suspect me* not, sir, for omitting, because not 
expressing, your noble consort °. We find, in the 
fourth Commandment, " Thou, and thy son, and thy 
" daughter," &c. ; where divines render this reason 
why the wife is not mentioned, because the same 
person with the husband : on which account your 
second self is effectually included within the daily 
devotions of 

Your bounden Orator, 


"^ The heir-general of George heiresses of John Massingbeard, 

Carr L. Hunsdon, whose grand- esq., of Lincolnshire. Collins, 

mother Mary was second sister III. 619. One of his daughters, 

to Anne Boleyn. lady Theophila Berkeley, mar- 

n [He married Elizabeth ried the excellent and pious 

Masdngbeard, one of the co- Robert Nelson.] 





iilOIl the first six weeks the queen andA.D. i 
her wise council sufFered matters to- 

> t - rt * ^^ slow 

stand m their former state, without but wre 
the least change, as yet not altering ^^^ti^ 
but consulting what should be altered. 
Thus our Saviour Himself, coming into the temple, 
and finding it profaned with sacrilege, wAen He had 
looked round cAout upon all things ", departed for 
that evening, contenting Himself with the survey 
of what was amiss, and deferring the reformation 
thereof till the next morning. But on the first of 
January following'', being Sunday, (the best new- 
year's gift that ever was bestowed on England,) by 
virtue of the queen's proclamation, the litany was 

' Mark xi. ii. thecommenceineiitofherieign, 

^ Holinsbed, first year of with a view to deceive the Ro- 

qneen Elizabeth, p.i 172. [The man catholic party. See a very 

reason of thia delay is to he sensible note by the new editor 

found in that secret policy of Dodd's Church History, III. 

which the qneen adopted at p. 113.] 


The Church History 


A. D.I 5 59. read in English, with epistles and gospels, in all 

'— churches of London, as it was formerly in her grace's 

own chapel ^. 
The for- g. But soHio violcnt spirfts, impatient to attend 
private men the Icisuro (by them counted the laziness) of autho- 
I^Smation rity, fell beforehand to the beating down of super- 
^uri^ stitious pictures and images *, and their forward zeal 
met with many to applaud it ; for idolatry is not to 
be permitted a moment ; the first minute is the 
fittest to abolish it ; all that have power have right 
to destroy it, by that grand charter of religion 
whereby every one is bound to advance God's glory. 
And if sovereigns forget, no reason but subjects 
should remember their duty. But others condemned 
their indiscretion herein; for though they might 
reform their private persons and families, and refrain 
to communicate in any outward act contrary to 
God's word, yet public reformation belonged to the 
magistrate, and a good deed was by them ill done 
for want of a calling to do it. However, the papists 
have no cause to tax them with over-forwardness 
in this kind, the like being done by them in the 
beginning of queen Mary's reign, whilst the laws of 
king Edward the Sixth stood as yet in full force, 
when they prevented authority, as hath been for- 

c [This proclamation was 
given from the palace at West- 
minster, 27th Dec. 1558; and 
on the Sunday following the 
lord mayor accordingly gave 
commandment for reading the 
litany, the Lord's prayer, and 
the creed in English, and that 
all persons should forbear " to 
'* preach or teach, or to give 
" audience to any manner of 

** doctrine or preaching other 
*' than to the gospels and epi- 
** sties commonly called the 
" gospel and epistle of the day, 
" and to the ten command- 
** ments in the vulgar tongue." 
It is printed in full in Strype's 
Ann. I. Ap. p. 3, and in Wil- 
kins' Cone. IV. 1 80.] 

d [See Strvpe's Annals, I. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 261 

merly observed ^ Thus those who are hungry, and a. 0.1559. 
have meat afore them, will hardly be kept from ^ ^^*'' 
eating, though grace be not said and leave given 
them by their superiors. 

3. Now the tidings of queen Elizabeth's peace- The letter 
able coming to the crown was no sooner brought English 
beyond the seas, but it filled the English exiles ^t^ia 
vnth unspeakable gladness, being instantly at home Fran^n 
in their hearts, and not long after with their bodies ^ »*><>"* ^c- 


I knew one right well whose father amongst them, tionm cere- 
being desperately diseased, was presently and per-OTmeTtoo 
fectly cured with the cordial of this good news ; and ^*^* 
no wonder if this queen recovered sick men, which 
revived religion itself. Now the English Church at 
Geneva, being the greatest opposer of ceremonies, 
sent their letter by William Keith to all other Eng- 
lish congregations in Germany, and especially to 
those of Frankfort, congratulating their present de- 
liverance, condoling their former discords, counsel- 
ling and requesting "that all offences heretofore 
given or taken might be forgiven and forgotten, 
and that for the future they might no more fall 
** out about superfluous ceremonies." But this let- 
ter came too lates, because the principal persons 
concerned in that controversy, with whom they 
sought a charitable reconciliation, were departed 
from Frankfort (I think towards England) before 
the messenger arrived, and so the motion missed to 
take effect. Some suppose, had it come in season, 

« See Cent. XVI. Part II. ? It was dated Dec. 15, but 

par. 2. not received till about Jan. the 

' [Of the return of the Eng- 2nd. [t5S9-] See Troubles of 

lish exiles, see Strype's Annals, Frankfort, p. 162. [= 182.] 
I. 102.] 


^S The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1559. it might have prevailed much, that both psui;ies, in 

gratitude to God, would in a bonfire of their general 

joy have burnt this unhappy bone of dissension cast 
betwixt them. Others, considering the distance of 
their principles and difference of their spirits, con- 
ceive such an agreement neither could be wrought 
nor would be kept betwixt them. For it is the pro- 
perty of cold to congregate together things of differ- 
ent kinds ; and if the winter of want, pinching them 
all with poverty, could not freeze their affections 
together, less likely was it that the warmth of 
wealth in their native soil would conjoin them in 
amity, but rather widen them further asunder, as 
indeed it came to pass. For as the rivers of Danu- 
bius and Savus, in Hungary, though running in the 
same channel, yet for many miles keep different 
streams visible in their party-coloured waters, which 
do rather touch than unite ; yea, the fishes peculiar 
to one stream are not found in another: so these 
opposite parties, returning home, though concurring 
in doctrine under the general notion of protestants, 
were so reserved in several disciplines to themselves, 
with their private favourites and followers, that they 
wanted that comfortable communion which some 
hoped and all wished would be amongst them. Till 
at last they brake out into doleful and dangerous 
• opposition, whereat all papists clap and protestants 
wring their hands, which our fathers found begun, 
ourselves see heightened, and know not whether 
our children shall behold them pacified and appeased. 
Alteration 4. But uow a parliament began at Westminster, 
wiacted by whereiu the laws of king Henry the Eighth against 
mentT'^^* the soo of Romo were renewed, and those of king 
Edward the Sixth in favour of the protestants 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 263 

revived, and the laws by queen Mary made against a. d. 1559. 
them repealed. Uniformity of prayer and admini- ' ^"^' - 
stration of sacraments was enacted, with a restitution 
of first fruits, tenths, &c. to the crown ^. For all 
which we remit the reader to the statutes at large. 
It was also enacted, " That whatsoever jurisdictions, 
** privileges, and spiritual pre-eminences had been 
" heretofore in use by any ecclesiastical authority 
" whatsoever, to visit ecclesiastical men, and correct 
" all manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, and 
" enormities, should be for ever annexed to the 
imperial crown of England ; that the queen and her 
successors might, by their letters patent, substitute 
certain men to exercise that authority, howbeit 
with proviso that they should define nothing to be 
heresy but those things which were long before 
** defined to be heresies, out of the sacred canonical 
scriptures, or of the four oecumenical councils, or 
other councils, by the true and proper sense of the 
holy scriptures, or should thereafter be so defined 
by authority of the parUament, with assent of the 
clergy of England assembled in a synod. That 
all and every ecclesiastical persons, magistrates, 
receivers of pensions out of the exchequer, such 
" as were to receive degrees in the universities, 
** wards that were to sue their liveries and to be 
** invested in their livings, and such as were to be 
*^ admitted into the number of the queen's servants, 
** &c. should be tied by oath to acknowledge the 
** queen's majesty to be the only and supreme go- 
" vemor of her kingdoms," (the title of supreme 
head of the Church of England liked them not,) 

^ [i Eliz, I. sq., and Burnet's Ref. II. 762.] 

s 4 

264 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1559. '' in all matters and causes, as well spiritual as tem- 

— " poral, all foreign protestants and princes being 

^* quite excluded from taking cognizance of causes 
" within her dominions." 
Papists' 5. But the papists found themselves much ag- 

against the grioved at this ecclesiastical power, declared and 
Jremacy"" Confirmed to be in the queen ; they complained that 
the simplicity of poor people was abused, the queen 
declining the title " head," and assuming the name 
" governor of the church," which, though less offen- 
sive, was more expressive. So, whilst their ears 
were favoured in her waving the word, their souls 
were deceived with the same sense under another 
expression. They cavilled how king Henry the 
Eighth was qualified for that place and power, being 
a layman * ; king Edward double debarred for the 
present, being a lay child ; queen Elizabeth totally 
excluded for the future, being a lay woman. They 
object also \ that the very writers of the Centuries, 
though protestants \ condemn such headship of the 
church in princes; and Calvin, more particularly, 
shai'ply taxeth bishop Gardiner for allowing the same 
privilege to king Henry the Eighth "". 
The same 6. Yct nothing was granted the queen, or taken 
fende/by hy her, but what in due belonged unto her, accord- 
di^nef "* ^^S ^^ ^^^ most Icamed and moderate divines have 
defended it ; for first they acknowledged that Christ 
alone is the supreme sovereign of the church, per- 
forming the duty of an head unto it, by giving it 

^ Sanders de Schismate, p. between Hart and Rainoldes, 

252. [For the arguments of p. 673, [ed. 1584.] 

the Roman catholics^ see Dodd, ^ Magdeburg. Centur. in 

III. 1 28.] Praefat. Cent. VII. 

^ Sum of the Conference ^ Upon the 7th of Amos. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 265 

power of life, feeling, and moving ° ; and Him hath a. D.issg. 

I Eliz 

God appointed to be head of the church ^^ and by — 

Him all the body furnished and knit together, by 
joints and bands increaseth with the increasiiig of 
God^. This headship cannot stand on any mortal 
shoulders, it being as incommunicable to a creature 
as a creature is incapable to receive it. There is 
also a peculiar supremacy of priests in ecclesiastical 
matters ; to preach the vrord, minister the sacra- 
ments, celebrate prayers, and practise the discipline 
of the church, vrhich no prince can invade without 
usurpation and the sin of sacrilege ; for incense itself 
did stink in the nostrils of the God of heaven, and 
provoked his anger % when offered by king Uzziah, 
who had no calling thereunto ''. Besides these, 
there is that power which Hezekiah exercised in 
his dominions, commanding the Levites and priests 
to do their duty^ and the people to serve the Lord. 
And to this power of the prince it belongeth to 
restore religion decayed, reform the church cor- 
rupted, protect the same reformed. This was that 
supremacy in causes and over persons, as well eccle- 
siastical as civil, which was derived from God to 
the queen, annexed to the crown, disused in the 
days of her sister, (whose blind zeal surrendered it 
to the pope,) not now first fixed in the crown by 
this act of state, but by the same declared to the 

"* Sum of the Conference Art. 53, where the meaning of 

between Hart and Rainoldes, this supremacy is explained in 

p. 38. an article written expressly 

o Ephes. i. 22. for the information of *' sim- 

P Col. ii. 19. *' pie men deceived by the 

q 2 Chron. xxvi. 19. '* malicious." Wilkins* Cone. 

' [See the Injunctions given IV. 188.] 

by the queen's majesty, 1559, 

266 The Church History boo]^ ix. 

A. D. 1559. ignorant that knew it not, cleared to the scrupulous 

that doubted of it, and asserted from the obstinate 

that denied it. 
How Dr. 7. As for Calvin, he " reproveth not " (reader, it 

Rainoldefl * ^ ^ 

antweneth is Dr. Raiuoldes whom thou readest) " the title of 
tioiMto^ " head, as the protestants granted it, but that sense 
contrary. « thereof which popish prelates gave, (namely, Ste- 
phen Grardiner,) who did urge it so as if they had 
meant thereby that the king might do things in 
religion according to his own will, and not see 
them done according to God's will * ;" namely, that 
he might forbid the clergy marriage, the laity the 
cup in the Lord's Supper. And the truth is, that 
Stephen Gardiner was shamelessly hyperbolical in 
fixing that in the king which formerly, with as little 
right, the pope had assumed. Whether he did it out 
of mere flattery, as fiill of adulation as superstition, 
equally free in sprinkling court and church holy 
water, and as very a fa^sning spaniel under king 
Henry the Eighth as afterwards he proved a cruel 
bloodhound under queen Mary his daughter. Or 
because this bishop, being in his heart disaffected 
to the truth, of set purpose betrayed it in defending 
it, suiting king Henry's vast body and mind with 
as mighty, yea, monstrous a power in those his 
odious instances, straining the king's authority too 
high, on set purpose to break and to render it 
openly obnoxious to just exception. The Centuriators 
also, well understood, do allow and confess the ma- 
gistrate's jurisdiction in ecclesiastical matters*, though 
on good reason they be enemies to this usurpation 

8 [Conference of Hart and t Idem ibid. 
Rainoldes, p. 673.] 


of Britain. 


of unlawful power therein. But I digress, and therein a. d. 1559. 

I Eliz. 

transgress, seeing the large prosecution hereof belongs 1— 

to divines. 

9. But Sanders taketh a particular exception Sande™ 
against the regular passing of this act, Elizabeth falsehood. 
shewing much queen-craft in procuring the votes 
of the nobility ^ feeding the earl of Arundel ^ with 
fond hopes that she would marry him, and promising 
the duke of Norfolk ^ a dispensation from his wife, 
which he could not with such expedition obtain 
from the pope ; and yet, saith he, when all was 
done, it was carried in the house of lords but by 
three voices y. Here (not to mention how, in the 
greatest councils, matters of most high concernment 
have been determined with as few as three clear 
decisive suffrages) this suggestion of Sanders is a 
loud untruth ; for the act, having easily passed the 
house of commons, found none of the temporal 
nobility in the house of lords to oppose it ^, save 
only the earl of Shrewsbury % and Anthony Brown, 
viscount Mountague, who had formerly been em- 
ployed to reconcile the kingdom of England to his 
holiness ^. As for the bishops, there were but four- 

^ De Schismate Aiiglicano^ 
p. 263. [Dodd III. 126.] 

▼ [Henry Fitz-Alan.] 

^ [Henry Thomas Howard.] 

7 Idem, ib. 

2 Camden's Elizabeth in this 
year, p. 19. [Burnet's Ref. II. 

771 •] 

a [Francis Talbot.] 

to [This Antony Brown, the 

first viscount Mountague, was 

a great favourite of queen 

Mary, by whom he was ad- 

vanoed to the title. He was 

employed in 1553, together 
with Thomas Thirlby, then 
bishop of Ely, in reconciling 
this realm to the pope ; and 
although he opposed queen 
Elizabeth in the matter of the 
pope's supremacy, and was a 
zealous Romanist^ he was so 
highly esteemed for his pru- 
dence and loyalty, as to be 
sent the next year ambassador 
into Spain. Neither did he 
make an evil return for this 
confidence of his sovereign^ ac- 


The Church History 


A.D. I559- teen, and the abbot of Westminster^, then alive ; of 

whom four being absent, (whether voluntarily or out 

of sickness, uncertain,) the rest could not make any 

cording to the honourable tes- 
timony given of him in a tract 
entitled "The Copy of a Letter 
" sent out of England to Don 
" Bern. Mendoza, &c." 1588, 
the supposed production of 
lord Burleigh : " The first that 
^' shewed his bands to the 
** queen [at the coming of the 
*' Spanish armada] was that 
** noble, virtuous^ honourable 
•* man, the viscount Moun- 
** tague, who, howsoever men 
" do judge of him for opinion 
** in religion, yet to tell you 
** the truth he is reported 
" always to have professed, as 
** now also at this time he did 
'* profess and protest solemnly 
'* both to this queen and to all 
•* her court, in open assemblies, 
'* that he now came, though he 
** was very sickly and in age, 
'* with a full resolution to live 
'* and die in defence of the 
*' queen and of his country 
•* against all invaders, whether 
** it were pope, king, or po- 
" tentate whatsoever ; and in 
** that quarrel he would hazard 
" his life, his children, his 
*' lands, and goods. And to 
** shew his mind agreeably 
** thereto, he came personally 
*' himself before the queen, 
'* with his band of horsemen, 
*' being almost two hundred ; 
** the same being led by his 
" own sons, and with them a 
" young child, very comely 
'' seated on horseback, being 
" the heir of his house; that 
** is, the eldest son to his son 

'^ and heir ; a matter much 
" noted of many whom I heard 
" to commend the same : to 
" see a grandfather, father, and 
" son at one time on horse- 
" back afore a queen for her 
" service ; though in truth I 
" was sorry to see our adver- 
" saries so greatly pleased 
" therewith. But I cannot 
" conceal it from your lord- 


'* ship*s knowledge, because I 
'* think this nobleman is known 
*' unto you, having been used 
" as an ambassador to the king 
** catholic many years past by 
*' this queen, as I have heard, 
** to require confirmation of 
'' the treaties of amity betwixt 
'• both their fathers." In So- 
mers' Tracts, I. 443. This 
nobleman died at Horsley, in 
the county of Surrey, 19th 
Oct. 1592, and was buried at 
Coudray. See Camden's Ann. 
pp. 12, 26, 51. 

According to Watson, the 
old lord used to say. That if 
the pope himself should come 
in with cross, key, and gospel 
in his hand, he would be ready 
with the first to run unto his 
holiness, to cast himself down 
at his feet, to offer his service 
to him in all humbleness of 
heart, and what not, to shew 
himself a dutiful child ; but if, 
instead of coming in solemn 
procession, with cross, book, 
prayers, and preaching, he 
should come in a sounding, 
royal march, with heralds of 
arms, with banners of blood 


of* Britain. 


considerable opposition ^. If any other artifice was a. d. 1559. 

used in cunning contriving the business, the protest '— 

ants were not aforehand, but just even with the 
papists, who had used the same subtlety in their own 
cause in the first parliament of queen Mary. 

10. But now to remove into the convocation, The acts of 

this ve&i'*s 

which at this time was very small and silent ; for as convoca- 
it is observed in nature, when one twin is of an***^*^' 
unusual strength and bigness, the other his partner 
bom with him is weak and dwindled away ; so here 
this parliament, being very active in matters of 
religion, the convocation (younger brother thereunto) 
was little employed and less regarded. Only after 
a mass of the Holy Ghost had been celebrated, 
Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, (in the vacancy 
of the archbishop of Canterbury, president of the 
convocation,) began vdth a speech to this effect: 
that although it had been an ancient and laudable 
custom to begin such meetings of the clergy with a 
liatin sermon, yet such now was not to be expected, 
partly because the archbishop was dead, who was to 
design the preacher, and partly because they had 
received a mandate from the privy council that no 

displayed^ trumpets, alarums, 
pikes, harquebusses, and men- 
at-arms, all marshalled in ranks 
and set in battle array, then 
would he be the first man in 
the field, armed at all points, 
to resist him in the face with 
all his might and power. Quodl. 
p. 176.] 

c [J. Feckenham.] 

d [The dissentients among 
the prelates were JBonner, bi- 
shop of London, John White, 
bishop of Winton, Richard Pate^ 
bishop of Worcester, Anthony 

Kitchin, bishop of Llandaff, 
Ralph Bayne, bishop of Lich- 
field and Coventry, James Tur- 
berville, bishop of Exeter, Owen 
Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle, 
Cuthbert Scot, bishop of Ches- 
ter, John Feckenham, abbot of 
Westminster, and afterwards 
Thirlby, bishop of Ely, on his 
return to England. All of them 
were deprived the same year. 
But upon this subject the fullest 
information will be found in 
Strype's Annals, L 57, sq.] 


The Church History 


A. D. 1559. such sermons should be made in that church till 


— 1— they were further informed by the queen and her 

council ®. In the third session, on Friday, Nicholas 
Harpsfield, doctor of Law ^ and archdeacon of Can- 
terbury, was chosen referendary or prolocutor for 
the clergy 8:, a place of some credit, but little pains 
to discharge, seeing the only remarkable thing which 
passed in this convocation was certain articles of 
religion, which they tendered to the parliament ^ 
which here we both transcribe and translate ; re- 
questing the reader not to begrudge his pains to 
peruse them, considering they are the last in this 
kind that ever were represented in England by a 
legal corporation in defence of the popish religion. 
And though error doth go out with a stink, yet it is 
a perfume that it does go out. We are so far from 
denying a grave to bury them, that we will erect 
this monument over the ashes of these dead 
errors ^ 

e Liber Svnod. Anno Dom. 
1559, fol. 15, [in Corp. Christ. 
Coll. Camb. See Strype's An- 
nals, I. 55.] 

f lb. fol. 6. 

e Fol. 8. 

^ To the bishops, that they 
might present them to the par- 
liament^ &c. 

i Copied by me out of the 
original. [Wilkins I V. 1 79. This 
convocation began 24th Jan. 
'559> when Dr. Henry Cole, 
vicar-general of the dean and 
chapter of Canterbury, present- 
ed their commission to Bonner, 
bishop of London, to Richard 
Pate, bishop of Worcester, and 
to Ralph Bayne, bishop of Lich- 
field and Coventry, who acted 

as moderators in the vacancy 
of the see of Canterbury. In 
the second session, Jan. 27th, 
Bonner made the speech here 
referred to. On Friday the 3rd 
of February, which was their 
third session, Henry Cole, dean 
of St. Paul's, and John Harps- 
field, archdeacon of London, 
presented in behalf of the lower 
house Nicholas Harpsfield for 
their prolocutor, and the con- 
vocation was adjourned to the 
Friday following, Feb. loth; 
in which, being the fourth ses- 
sion, the bishop of London, 
&c., on the request of the pro- 
locutor, Thomas Reynolds, John 
Harpsfield, and William Ched- 
sey, advised the clergy to ad- 


of Britain. 


Rbverendi in Christo pa- 
tres ac domini colendis- 
simi. Quoniam fama pub- 
lica referente ad nostram 
nuper notitiam pervenit, 
multa religionis Christians 
dogmata publico et unanimi 
gentium Christianarum con- 
sensu hactenus recepta et 
probata, ac ab apostolis ad 
nos usque concorditer per 
manus deducta, preesertim 
articulos infra scriptos in 
dubium vocari : Hinc est 
quod nos Cantuariensis pro- 
vincise inferior secundarius 
derus in unum^ (Deo sic dis- 
ponente ac serenissimee do- 
minee nostree reginse, decani 
et capituli Cant, mandato^ 
brevi parliamenti, ac moni- 
tione ecdesiastica solita de- 
darata id exigente^) conve- 
nientes, partium nostrarum 
esse existimavimus, turn 
nostrse^ tum eorum, quorum 
cura nobis committitur, 
seteme saluti omnibus qui- 
bus poterimus modis pro- 
spicere. Quocirca majo- 
rum nostrorum exemplis 
commotio qui in similia saepe 







" Revbrend Fathers in Christ, A. D. 1559. 
*• and our honourable lords. ' 
Whereas by the report of 
public fame it hath come unto 
our knowledge that many doc- 
" trines of the Christian religion 
** hitherto received and approved 
" by the unanimous consent of 
" Christian nations, and with 
" joint agreement^ as by hands 
" deduced from the apostles unto 
us^ (especially the articles un- 
der-written,) are now called 
into question : Hence it is that 
" we, the inferior and secondary 
" clergy of the province of Can- 
** terbury, assembled in one body, 
" (God so disposing it, and the 
** command of our lady the 
'^ queen's most excellent majesty, 
together with the mandate of 
the dean and chapter of Can- 
terbury, the parliament writ, 
" and all due and wonted eccle- 
^^ siastical monition declared so 
** requiring it,) conceived it to 
" belong unto us to provide for 
" the eternal salvation both of 
" ourselves and such as are com- 
" mitted to our charge, by all 
'^ means possible for us to obtain. 
" Wherefore, stirred up by the 




dress the queen, that no impost 
f ne quid oneris^ should be laid 
upon them by the parliament 
then sitting; and that they 
should themselves advise about 
a subsi^'^ It was then ad- 
joamed io the 17th, thence to 
the 35th ; on which the prolo- 

cutor presented the articles 
here printed, which were exhi- 
bited to the bishops on the 
28th of the same month, to 
present to parliament. An 
abstract of the proceedings of 
this convocation will be found 
in Strype's Annals, I. 55, sq.] 


The Church History 


A.D. 1559. tempora inciderunt, lidem 
' quam in articulis infra scrip- 

tis, veram esse credimus, et 
ex animo profitemur ad Dei 
laudem, et honorem offi- 
clique et amanim nostrae 
cursR commissarum exone- 
rationem prsesentibus dux- 
imus publice asserendam, 
afiiraiantes, et sicut Deus 
nos in die judicii adjuvet, 

Primo, quod in Sacra- 
mento altaris virtuteChristi, 
verbo et a sacerdote debite 
prolato, assistentis, praesens 
est realiter sub speciebus 
panis et viui naturale corpus 
Christi, conceptum de Vir- 
gine Maria^ item naturalis 
ejus sanguis. 

Item^ quod post conse- 
crationem^ non remanet 
substantia panis et vini, 
neque alia ulla substantia, 
nisi substantia Dei et ho- 

Item, quod in missa offer- 
tur verum Christi Corpus, 
et verus ejusdem sanguis, 
sacrificium propitiatorium 
pro vivis et defunctis. 

Item, quod Petro apo- 
stolo et ejus legitimis suc- 
cessoribus in sede apostolica, 
tanquam Christi vicariis,data 
est suprema potestas pas- 
cendi et regendi ecclesiam 

• < 






examples of our predeoesson, 
who have lived in the like 
times, that &ith which in the 
Articles under-written we be- 
lieve to be true, and from our 
souls profess to the praise and 
honour of God, and the dis- 
cbarge of our duty, and such 
souls as are committed unto 
us, we thought in these pre- 
sents publicly to assert* affirm- 
ing and avowing, as Ood shall 
help us in the last day of judg- 
ment ; 

** First, that in the sacrament 
of the altar, by the virtue of 
Christ's assisting, after the word 
is duly pronounced by the priest^ 
the natural body of Christ con- 
ceived of the Virgin Mary is 
really present, under the species 
of bread and wine, also his na- 
tural blood. 

" Item, that after the consecra- 
tion there remains not the sub- 
stance of bread and wine, nor 
any other substance, save the 
substance of Gk>d and man. 

" Item, that the true body of 
" Christ and his true blood is 
*' offered a propitiatory sacrifice 
'' for the quick and dead. 

" Item, that the supreme power 
" of feeding and governing the 
" militant church of Christ, and 
" of confirming their brethren, is 
*' given to Peter the apostle, and 
<< to his lawful successors in the 


of Britain. 


Ghristi militantem et fratres 
8UOS confirmandi. 

Item quod authoritas 
tractandi et definiendi de 
lis quae spectant ad fidem, 
sacramenta et disciplinam 
ecdesiasticam hactenus sem- 
per spectavit et spectare 
debet tantum ad pastores 
ecclesisBj quos Spiritus 
Sanctus ad hoc in ecclesia 
Dei posuit et non ad laicos. 

Quam nostram assertlo- 
nem, affirmationem et fidem, 
DOS inferior clerus prsedictus, 
ob considerationes prsedictas 
vestris patemitatibus tenore 
presentimn exhibemus 5 hu- 
militer supplicantes, ut quia 
nobis non est copia banc 
nostram sententiam et in- 
tentionem aliter illis quorum 
in bac parte interest notifi- 
candi, vos, qui patres estis, 
ista superioribus ordinibus 
significare velitis : qua in re 
officium cbaritatis ac pieta- 
tis (ut arbitramur) prsesta- 
bitis, et saluti gregis vestri 
(ut par est) prospicietis^ et 
vestras ipsi animas libera- 






see apostolic, as unto the vicars A. D. 1559. 
of Christ. ' ^"''- 

" Item, that the authority to 
handle and define such things 
which belong to faith, the sa- 
craments, and discipline eccle- 
siastical, hath hitherto ever 
belonged, and only ought to 
belong, unto the pastors of the 
church, whom the Holy Spirit 
hath placed in the church of 
God, and not unto laymen. 
*' Which our assertion^ affirma- 
tion, and faith^ we, the lower 
clergy aforesaid^ to represent 
for the aforesaid considerations 
unto your fatherhoods by the 
tenor of these presents ; humbly 
requesting that because we have 
not liberty otherwise to notify 
this our judgment and intention 
to those which in this behalf 
are concerned, you who are 
fathers would be pleased to 
signify the same to the lords 
in parliament ; wherein, as we 
conceive, you shall perform an 
office of charity and piety, and 
you shall provide (as it is meet) 
for the safety of the flock com- 
mitted to your charge, and shall 
discharge your duty towards 
your own souls." 

This remonstrance, exhibited by the lower house 
of convocation to the bishops, was, according to their 
requests, presented by Edmund Bonner, bishop of 
London, to the lord keeper of the broad seal of 



The Church HUtory 

BOOK Vlll. 

^' ^y**^' England in the parliament ^ ; and, as the said bishop 

in the eighth session reported, he generously and 

gratefully received it. But we find no further news 
thereof, save that in the tenth session an account 
was given in, by both universities, in an instrument 
under the hand of a public notary, wherein they both 
did concur to the truth of the aforesaid articles, the 
last only excepted. 
Thedispu- n. But WO may probably conceive that this de- 
twixt the claration of the popish clergy hastened the disputa- 
JJIJJ^nto tion appointed on the last of March, in the church 
miMto^ ^^ Westminster, wherein these questions were de- 
bated ^ : 

i. Whether service and sacraments ought to be 
celebrated in the vulgar tongue ? 

ii. Whether the church hath not power to alter 
ceremonies, so all be done to edification ? 

iii. Whether the mass be a propitiatory sacrifice 
for the living and the dead ? 

Popish Disputants. 

White, bishop of Winchester ™. 

Watson, bishop of Lincoln. 

Baine, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. 

Scot, bishop of Chester. 

Dr. Cole, dean of Paul's- 

Dr. Langdale, archdeacon of Lewes. 

^ [Heath, archbishop of 
York, who was deprived in 
J 5 59, for non-compliance with 
the measures of the Reforma- 
tion. See Burnet, II. 760. 
He was succeeded by the cele- 
brated sir Nicholas Bacon.] 

1 [Fox, Acts, III. 979, sq. 

Burnet, Ref. II. 776. Strype's 
Annals, I. 87, who corrects the 
errors of Burnet's narrative.] 

™ There is some difference 
in the number and names of 
both parties. Mr. Fox neither 
agreeth with Mr. Camden nor 
with himself. 




Dr. Harpsfield, archdeacon of Canterbury. 
Dr. Chedsey, archdeacon of Middlesex. 


Nicholas Heath, bishop of York. 

Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great 


Protestant Disputants. 

John Scory, late bishop Edwin Sands, 

of Chichester. John Aylmer. 

David Whitehead. Edmund Grindall. 

Robert Home. John Jewel ". 
Edmund Guest. 

A. D. 1559. 
I Eliz. 

i^ {Besides the persons here 
mentioned, Burnet adds to the 
popish disputants Oglethorpe, 
bishop of Carlisle, and to the 
protestants Cox^ the same, I 
suppose, who was afterwards 
made bishop of Ely. Hist, of 
Ref. II. 776. The same writer 
has also printed in his Collec- 
tions (II. iii. No. 5.) a decla- 
ration of the proceedings of 
this conference, which began 
March 31, 1559, signed by the 
privy council, and which is still 
in the State Paper Office, and 
also printed by Wilkins, IV. 
191. From this document it 
is evident that only eight per- 
sons were appointed on each 
side to conduct this conference, 
and that Oglethorpe's name 
should have been omitted by 
Burnet^ and Cox's name sub- 
stituted for that of Sands in 
the text; as Strype has also 
observed in his Annals, I. 87, 
where a very full account of 
this discussion will be found. 
The popish bishops were cer- 
tainly placed in some difficulty. 

between appearing to desert 
their cause, and submitting to 
argue before a layman and 
those whom thev considered 
heretics ; but they acted incon- 
sistently, to say the least, ut- 
tering their minds on the first 
day's conference, but refusing 
to do so, and abide by the 
orders agreed upon, on the 
second, for which the bishops 
of Winchester and Lincoln 
were committed to the Tower. 
They urged in their own de- 
fence that they saw the multi- 
tude was enraged and preju- 
diced against them ; that the 
lord keeper was their professed 
enemy ; that the laity would 
be made judges in ecclesiastical 
matters ; and that this dispute 
was undertaken, not to disco- 
ver the truth, but afford a 
colour for the charges which 
were to be . introduced. Bur- 
net, II. 783. It seemed but 
just also that the protestants, 
being opponents to the esta- 
blished order, should have be- 
gun the debate.] 

T 2 

276 Tlie Church HiHory book viii. 

A.D. 1559. The passages of this disputation (whereof more 
nm'fift than fruit, and wherein more passion than 
reason, cavils than arguments) are largely reported 
by Mr. Fox. It was ordered that each side should 
tender their judgments in writing ®, to avoid verbal 
extravagancies, as also in English, for the better 
information of the nobility and gentry of the house 
of parliament, their auditors, and that the papists 
should begin first, and the protestants answer them. 
But in the second day's disputation this order was 
broken by the popish bishops, who, quitting their 
primacy to the protestants, stood peremptorily upon 
it, that they themselves would deliver their judg- 
ments last ; alleging in their behalf the fashion of 
the schools, that because they had the negative on 
their side the others ought first to oppose; citing 
also the custom of the courts at Westminster, where 
the plaintiff pleadeth before the defendant, conceiv- 
ing themselves in the nature and notion of the 
latter, because maintaining those opinions whose 
truth, time out of mind, was established. Chester, 
more open than the rest, plainly confessed that if the 
protestants had the last word, they would come off 
cum applausu populi^ with applause of the people, 
which themselves, it seems, most desired ; whereby 
it appears what vrind they wished for, not what was 
fittest to fan the truth, but what would blow them 
most reputation. In this refusal to begin, Winches- 
ter and Lincoln behaved themselves saucily and 
scornfully, the rest stiflHy and resolutely ; only Feck- 
enham, abbot of Westminster, (who, it seems, the 
second day was added to the popish disputants,) 

o [The motion to this effect was made by Heath, archbishop 
of York. Strype, ib. 88.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 277 

carried it with more meekness and moderation, a. d. 1559. 

Hereupon the lord keeper cut off this conference, — 

with this sharp conclusion : " Seeing, my lords, we 
" cannot now hear you, you may perchance shortly 
" hear more of us." 

12. Yet need we not behold the frustration of The papists 

oomplam of 

this meeting as a private doom, peculiar to thispardai 
conference alone, but as the general destiny of such '***^' 
public colloquies, which, like sycamore trees, prove 
barren, and which, the larger the leaves of the ex- 
pectation, the less the fruits of success. The assem- 
bly dissolved, it were hard to say which were louder, 
the papists in complaining or the protestants in 
triumphing. The former found themselves aggrieved 
that they were surprised of a sudden, having but 
two days' warning to provide themselves ; that 
Bacon, the moderator, (though well skilled in mat- 
ters of equity, ignorant in matters of divinity,) was 
their zealous enemy, to whom the archbishop was 
added only for a stale ; that to call such funda- 
mental points of doctrine into question would cause 
an unsettledness in religion, of dangerous conse- 
quence both to single souls and to the church in 
general ; that it was unlawful for them, ovring obe- 
dience to the see apostolic, without leave of his 
holiness first obtained, to discuss these truths long 
since decided in the church. 

13. The protestants, on the other side, sliffhted The pro- 

• « 1 /% t* ' o testants 

the papists plea of want of warning, seeing (besides triumph on 
that both sides were warned at the same time) that ^L, 
party sent a challenge, and gave the first defiance in 
their late declaration; and now it was senseless in 
them to complain that they were set upon unawares ; 
that if the truths were so clear as they pretended, 

T 3 

X7S TTie Church Htstory book viii. 

A.D. i559wand their learning so great as was reputed, little 
— — !l— study in this case was required; that Bacon was 
appointed moderator, not to decide the matters con- 
troverted, but to regulate the manner of their dis- 
putation, whereunto his known gravity and discre- 
tion, without deep learning, did sufficiently enable 
him ; that it was an old policy of the papists to 
account every thing fundamental in religion which 
they were loth should be removed; and that the 
receiving of erroneous principles into the church, 
without examination, had been the mother of much 
ignorance and security therein, for the preventing 
of the farther growth whereof no fitter means than 
an unpartial reducing of all doctrines to the trial of 
the scriptures ; that their declining the disputation 
manifested the badness of their cause, seeing no 
paymaster will refuse the touch or scales but such 
as suspect their gold to be base or light ; that for- 
merly papists had disputed those points when power 
was on their side, so that they loved to have syllo- 
gisms in their mouths when they had swords in their 
Nine bi- ^4^ j^ rcmaineth now that we acquaint the reader 

shops now * « -I 

dwd. how the popish bishops were disposed of, vmo now 
fell under a fourfold division : 

1. Dead. iii. Deprived, 

ii. Fled. iv. Continued. 

There were nine of the first sort, who were of 
the death-guard of queen Mary, as expiring ^ther 
a little before her decease, viz. 

John Capon, bishop of Salisbury, [Oct. 6,1537-] 
Robert Parfew, bishop of Hereford, [Sept. 22, 


of Britain. 


Maurice GriflSn, bishop of Rochester % [Nov. 20, a. d. 1559. 

I £21iz« 


William Glyn, bishop of Bangor, [May 21, 1558.] 
(These were queen Mary her ushers to her grave.) 

Or a little after her departure, as 

Reginald Pole, bishop of Canterbury, [Nov. 17, 


John Hopton, bishop of Norwich, [circiter 1557.] 
John Brokes, bishop of Gloucester, [Sept. 7, 1558.] 
John Holyman, bishop of Bristol, [circiter 1558.] 
Henry Morgan, bishop of St. David's ^ [Dec. 23, 


(These were queen Mary's trainbearers to the same.) 

15. Three only made their flight beyond the seas, Three fled 
namely, 1, Thomas Gold well, of St. Asaph, who ran seas. 

to Rome, and there procured of the pope the renew- 
ing of the indulgences, for a set time, to such as 
superstitiously repaired to the well of St. Winifred ; 
2, Cuthbert Scot, of Chester, who afterwards lived 
and died at Louvain ; 3, Richard Pate, of Worces- 
ter", whose escape was the rather connived at, be- 
cause, being a moderate man, he refused to persecute 
any protestant for his difference in religion. 

16. Be it here remembered that the see of Wor- a iioteot 


»i QSee also Strype's An. I. 

r [To this number may be 
added John Christopherson, 
bishop of Chichester, who died 
about 1557. Strype's An. I. 
32, 82.] 

8 [See Wood's Ath. I. 707. 
He was also present at the 
council of Trept. Antony 
Munday^ in his *' English - 
" Roman Life," chap. IV., 

printed in 1581^ and reprinted 
in the Harleian Miscellany, 
which gives an account of the 
author's travels to Rome> says 
that Goldwell had the office 
there of baptizing the convert- 
ed Jews, — ** maketh all the 
" English priests in the coU 
** lege, and liveth there among 
*' the Florentines very pontifi- 
" caUy."] 

T 4 


The Church Hutwy 

BOOK Tin. 

A.D. i559.cester had nine bishops success! velj, whereof 

fo^r first, being ail Italians, none of them lived 
there ; the fiTe last (Latimer, Bell, Heath, Hooper, 
Pate) none of them died there, as either resigning 
removed, or deprived, and all five were alive toge- 
ther in the reign of queen Mary. As for Pate, we 
find him thus subscribing the council of Trenti 
" Richardus Patus Episcopw Wigomiensisy^ under- 
writing only in his private and personal capadtj, 
having otherwise no deputation as in any public 

17. The third sort succeeds, of such who, on the 
refusal of the oath of supremacy, were all deprived, 
though not restrained alike. Bonner was imprisoned 
in the Marshalsea, a gaol being conceived the safest 
place to secure him from people's fiiry, every hand 
itching to give a good squeeze to that sponge of 
blood. AVliite and Watson *, bishops of Winchester 
and Lincoln, died in durance, their liberty being 
inconsistent with the queen's safety, whom they 
threatened to excommunicate. 

Apriwnto 18. As for bishops Tunstall and Thirlby, they 

be envied. *■ j^ j 

were committed to archbishop Parker ^. Here they 

The rent 

* [Watson, after his short 
confinement in the Tower, was 
committed to the custody of 
Grindal, bishop of Jjondon, and 
afterwards to Cox, bishop of 
Ely. Both he and White gave 
offence by their opposition at 
the popish disputation. See 
Strype, Annals, 1. 90. Watson 
died in the prison at Wisbech, 
Sept. 27, 1584, and White in 
Jan. T561.] 

" [These two were not only 
the most eminent, but likewise 
the most liberal and generous 

of the popish prelates. The 
former had been harshly if not 
unjustly treated in the time of 
Edward VI. ; and through the 
ambition of Northumberland, 
who was desirous to be made 
count palatine of Durham, com- 
mitted to the Tower upon a 
charge of misprision of treason, 
(Strype's Cran. 414; Burnet, 
Ref. III. 393 ;) yet so far was 
he, in the succeeding reign, 
from joining in the severities 
exercised against the protest- 
ants, that he even protected 


of Britain, 


had sweet chambers, soft beds, warm fires, plentiful a.d. 1559. 
and wholesome diet, (each bishop faring like an ' ^^^ 
archbishop, as fed at his table,) differing nothing 
from their former living, save that that was on their 
o^ni charges, and this on the cost of another^. 
Indeed they had not their wonted attendance of 
superfluous servants, nor needed it, seeing a long 
train doth not warm but weary the wearer thereof. 
They lived in free custody; and all things con- 
sidered, custody did not so sour their freedom as 
freedom did sweeten their custody. 

19- The rest, though confined for a while, soon Some living 
foimd the favour to live prisoners on their parole, own hmises. 
having no other gaoler than their own promise. 
Thus Poole of Peterborough, Turberville of Exeter, 
&c. lived in their own or their friends' houses y. 
The like liberty was allowed to Heath, archbishop 
of York, who (like another Abiathar, sent home by 
Solomon to his own fields in Anathoth ^) lived cheer- 
fully at Cobham in Surrey, where the queen often 
courteously visited him. 

some from the punishments 
which they would otherwise 
have suffered but for his inter- 
ference : among this number 
was the celebrated Bernard 
Oilpin, his nephew. Bishop 
Garleton's Life of Gilpin^ 1 5, 40. 
Having lived in a continued 
intimacy with Cranmer (Bur- 
net, II. 40 f ) and his successor, 
Parker, who is said to have 
prevailed upon him to modify 
some of his religious opinions. 
Strype's Park. I. 47. He died 
Nov. 18, 1559. See Wood's 
Ath. I. 303.] 

* [This is not probable. At 
all events, in the year 1563, 

when they requested, on ac- 
count of the plague, to be 
removed from London, the 
council wrote to the archbishop 
to receive Thirlby and Boxal, 
his former guests, and " to give 
** them convenient lodging, 
'* each of them one man al- 
** lowed them, and to use them 
" as was requisite for men of 
'* their sort ; atid that they 
*' should satisfy his lordship 
"for the charges of their 
" commons" See Strype's P. 
141. Thirlby died Aug. 26, 

y [Strype's Park. 141-2.] 

z I Kings ii. 26. 


The Church UiHwy 

BOOK Yin. 

A. D. 1559. 20. Popish writers would peisuade people that 

these bishops were cruelly used in their prisons, 

tt^uLiy sliould their hyperbolical expressions be received as 
complained ^\^q j^g^ measuro of truth. CarcerUms variisqtee cm- 
todiis commissiy'-^longo mise^narum Uedio e^tindi 
sunt, saith Sanders * ; Confessor obiit in vinculis, saith 
Pitzeus, of Whitest "A great cry, and a little 
*' pain." Many of our poor protestants, in the 
Marian days, said less and suffered more. They 
were not sent into a complimental custody, but 
some of them thrust into the prison of a prison, 
where the sim shined as much to them at midnight 
as at noon-day ; whereas abbot Feckenham, of West- 
minster, (who as a parliamentary baron may go in 
equipage with the other bishops,) may be an instance 
how well the papists were used after their depriva- 
tion ; for he grew popular for his alms to the poor^ 
which speaks the queen's bounty to him, in enabling 
him, a prisoner, to be bomitifiil to others ^. 

a De Schism. Ang. p. 268. 
^ [De Script, p. 764.] 
c Camden*s Eliz. in hoc 

d [A pamphlet entitled "The 
*' Execution of Justice in Eng- 
'* land, &c." (printed in 158 1,) 
speaking of queen Elizabeth's 
moderation to such of the pa- 
pists as professed "loyaitie and 
** obedience to her majestie^ 
" and offer readily in her ma- 
*' jestie's defence to impugn 
and resist any forreine force, 
though it should come or be 
procured from the pope him- 
self," contains the follow- 
ing remarks : it says, ** The 
" first and chiefest [of these] 
" by office was Dr. Heth, 





'* that was archbishop of York 
'* and lord chancellor of Eng- 
" land in queen Mary's time, 
'* who at the first coming of 
** her majesty to the crown, 
*' shewing himself a faithful 
^^ and quiet subject^ continued 
^* in both the said offices, though 
" in religion then manifestly 
'' differing ; and yet was he 
** not restrained of his liberty, 
" nor deprived of his proper 
" lands and goods^but, leaving 
^' willingly both his ofi^ces, lived 
'^ in his own house very dis- 
*• erectly, and enjoyed all his 
" purchased lands during all 
** his natural life, until by very 
** age he departed this world. 
'* [i 579]^^^ ^^^ l^ft his house 


of Britain, 


21. Only one bishop conformed himself to the a. d. 1559. 

queen's commands, and was continued in his place, ^^ 

viz. Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan of Llandaff e. continue^^ 
Camden calls him sedis szub calamitateniy the bane 
of his bishopric, wasting the lands thereof by letting 
long leases, as if it were given to binominous bishops 
(such as had two names) to be the impairers of their 
churches, as may appear by these four contempo- 
raries in the reign of king Henry the Eighth : 






^' and b'ving to his friends ; an 
** example of gentleness never 
" matched in queen Mary's 
" time. The like did one D. 
" Poole, that had been bishop 
*' of Peterborough^ an ancient 
grave person and a very quiet 
subject. There were also 
others that had been bishops, 
'* and in great estimation ; as 
" D. Tunstall, bishop of Dur- 
" ham, a person of great repu- 
" tation, and also whilst he 
" lived of very quiet behaviour. 
" There were also other, D. 
•' White and D. Oglethorpe, 
(one of Winchester, the other 
of Carlisle,) bishops, persons 
" of courteous natures, and he 
" of Carlisle so inclined to 
'* dutifulness to the queen's 
" majesty, as he did the office 
" at the consecration and coro- 
'^ nation of her majesty in the 
'* church of Westminster ; and 
" D. Thirleby and D. Watson, 
" yet living, (one of Ely, the 
'* other of Lincoln,) . bishops, 
'* the one of nature affable, the 
other altogether sour, and 
yet living; whereto may be 
" added the bishop then of 
'^ Exeter, Turberville, an ho- 
nest gentleman, but a simple 
bishop, who lived at his own 
" liberty to the end of his life; 





** and some abbots, as M. Feck- 
" enham, yet living, a person 
'' also of quiet and courteous 
** behaviour for a great time."^ 

'' And most of them 

" and many other of their sort 
" for a great time were retained 
" in bishops' houses, in very 
" civil ana courteous manner, 
" without charge to themselves 
*• or their friends, until the 
'* time that the pope began by 
*' his bulls and messages to 
'* offer trouble to the realm by 
" stirring of rebellion ; about 
" which time only some of 
" those aforenamed, being 
*' found busier in matters of 
'* state tending to stir troubles 
" than was meet for the com- 
** mon quiet of the realm, were 
'* removed to other more pri- 
** vate places." Printed in 
Somers* Tracts, 1. 193. There 
is no truth in the statement 
that these divines were kept 
free from their own charge. 
From the very first the council 
had no desire to shew them any 
such lenity; for immediately 
on the conclusion of the dispu- 
tation mentioned above they 
were condemned to pay very 
heavy fines. Strype, ib. 59. 
See also Strype's Park. 47.] 
« [Strype's Park. 148.] 

284 The Church History book viii. 

A.D. 1559. John Capon, alias Salcot, spoiled Salisbury. 
1— John Vesey, alias Harman, spoiled Exeter. 

Robert Parfew, alias Warton, spoiled St. Asaph. 

Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan, spoiled Llandaff '. 

I know what is pleaded for them, that physicians, 
in desperate consumptions, prescribe the shaving of 
the head (which will grow again) to save the hfe; 
and that these bishops, fearing the final alienation of 
their lands, passed long leases for the prevention 
thereof; though whether policy or covetousness 
most shared in them herein, we will not determine. 
Only I find a mediate successor of Kitchin's « (and 
therefore concerned to be knowing therein) much 
excusing him from this common defamation of 
wronging his see, because many forged leases are 
countenanced under the pretence of his passing the 
A list of 22. As for the numbers of recusants which forsook 

persons de- 
prived, the land at this time, the prime of them were Henry 

[Parker,] lord Morley, sir Francis Inglefield, Thomas 
Shelley, and John Gage, esqrs. As for the nuns of 
Sion and other votaries wafted over, we have for- 
merly treated of them in our History of Abbeys. 
Nor were there moe than eighty rectors of churches, 
fifty prebendaries, fifteen masters of colleges, twelve 
archdeacons, twelve deans, with six abbots and ab- 
besses, deprived at this time of their places through- 
out all England **. 
Matthew 23. Now the queen and her council accounted it 

P&rkep de* 

high time to supply the church of Canterbury, which 

f [The account of the num- the statement given by Fuller, 

ber of the deprived persons, as See Strype's Annals, I. 72.] 
given in a MS, in the Cotton 8 Godwin in Presul. p. 612. 
Library, varies a little from ^ [Strype s An. III. i. 408.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 285 

hitherto had stood vacant a year and three weeks \ ^* H\,15S9- 

•^ I Eliz. 

with an archbishop. Dr. Matthew Parker is ap--: — ; 

^ *■ signed 

pointed for the place : bom in Norwich, bred in archbishop, 
Cambridge, master of, benefactor to, Bennet college commenda- 
there, chaplain to queen Anne Bollen, (a relation ^***^* 
which, next his own merits, befriended him with 
queen Elizabeth for such high and sudden advance- 
ment,) then to king Henry the Eighth, dean of the 
college of Stoke juxta Clare, a learned and religious 
divine. He confuted that character which one gives 
of antiquaries, " that generally they are either super- 
stitious or supercilious," his skill in antiquity being 
attended with soundness of doctrine and humility of 
manners. His book called Antiquitaies Britannicce 
hath indebted all posterity to his pen; which work our 
great critic ^ cites as written by Mr. Joscelin, one 
much employed in the making thereof. But we will 
not set the memories of the patron and chaplain at 
variance, who loved so well in their lives' time ; nor 
needeth any writ of partition to be sued out betwixt 
them about the authorship of this book, though 
probably one brought the matter, the other com- 
posure thereof. 

24. The queen had formerly sent order to Dr. The queen 

her letter 

[Nicholas] Wotton, dean of Canterbury, (an exqui- for his con- 
site civilian, and therefore one who may be presumed ®®^^°"' 
critical in such performances,) and to the chapter 
there, to choose Matthew Parker their archbishop * ; 
which vrithin fourteen days after was by them ac- 
cordingly performed ^. This done, she directeth 
her letters patents, in manner and form following : 

i Reckoninf]^ from Pole's 1 [Strype's Park. 52.] 

death to Parker s consecration. ™ [It was expected by some 

[Strype's Parker, 7-8.] that Dr. Wotton would have 

^ SeldeQ of Tithes, p. 256. been chosen in place of Parker, 


The Church Hiitory 


I EUz. 



A. D. 1559. '' Elizabetha Dei Gratia, &c." Reverendis In 
" Christo Patribus, Antonio Landavensi Episcopo, 
'* Will. Barlow, quondam Bath, et Well. Ep., nunc 
" Cicestrensi electo, Job. Scory quondam Cicestrensi 
Episcopo, nunc electo Hereford., Miloni Cover- 
dalio, quondam Exoniensi Episcopo, Johanni sufi&a- 
" ganeo Bedford. ®, Johanni suffraganeo Thetford., 
" Johanni Bale Ossorensi Episcopo. 

'* Quatenus yos, aut ad minus quatuor vestrum, 

" eundem Matthaeum Parkerum in archiepiscopum 

** et pastorem ecclesise cathedralis, et metropoliticse 

"Christi Cantuariensis prsediotse, sicut prsefertur, 

" electum, electionemque prsedictam confirmare, et 

" eundem magistrum Matthaeum Parkerum in archi- 

" episcopum, et pastorem ecclesise praedictae conse- 

crare, caeteraque omnia, et singula peragere, quae 

vestro in hac parte incumbunt pastorali officio, 

juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum, 

" et provisorum, velitis cum efiFectu, &c. Dat. sexto 

** Decembris, anno secundo Elizabethae p." 




(Strype's Park. 35 ;) and Izaac 
Walton, on the authority of 
Holinsbed, affirms that the 
archbishopric was offered to 
Wotton, and refused. Life of 
Sir H. Wotton, It is very 
remarkable that in the cong^ 
d'^lire, directed to the dean 
and chapter, no person was 
nominated by the queen, but 
they were permitted to proceed 
to the election of whomsoever 
they pleased.] 

^ Registrum Parkeri, tom. i. 
fol.3. [Wilkins, IV. 198.] 

o [According to Strype, the 
name is mis\^Titten Richard for 
John. Park. 54. John Hodge- 
skinne was undoubtedly suffra- 
gan of Bedford, and is so men. 

tioned in the consecration pa- 
pers in Wilkins, IV. 199.] 

P [The queen's warrant for 
Parker's consecration was first 
directed to Cuthbert Tunstall, 
bishop of Durham, and is still 
preserved among the ecclesias- 
tical papers in the state paper 
office, where I have seen it. 
The letters here printed are 
those which were issued after- 
wards, when the first failed of 
their desired effect. At the 
time of the new archbishop's 
appointment he held no eccle- 
siastical preferment, for Stoke 
had been dissolved and forfeited 
to the king's use in i Ed. VI. 
(see Strype's Park. 22 ; and in 
the second year of queen Mary, 


qf Britain, 


But the old bishop of Llandaff appeared not at a. d. 1559. 
the consecration, terrified, say the papists, by Bon — ! — I^ 
ner^s threats, so as to absent himself, which others 
do not believe ; for he that feared not the lion out 
of the grate, would he be frighted with the lion 
within the grate ? If Bonner, when at liberty, could 
not deter him from taking the oath of supremacy, 
improbable it is that when now detained prisoner in 
the Tower he could dissuade him from his obedience 
to his sovereign. More likely it is that his absence, 
as also bishop Bale's and the suffiragans of Thetford, 
was occasioned by their indisposition of body and 
infirmity of old age. 

25. But the other four bishops appeared, William ^^® ™*"- 
Barlow, John Scory, Miles Coverdale, and John 
Hodgeskin, by whom Matthew Parker was solemnly 
consecrated in manner and form following % The 
east part of the chapel of Lambeth was hung with 
tapestry', the floor spread with red cloth; chairs 
and cushions are conveniently placed for the pur- 
pose; morning prayer being solemnly read by An- 
drew Pierson, the archbishop's chaplain, bishop Scory 
went up into the pulpit, and took for his text. The 
elders which are among you I exhort^ who also am 

like the rest of the married 
clergy, Parker was deprived of 
all spiritual preferment in the 

4 [Fortunately an account 
of the archbishop's consecra- 
tion^ written in his own hand, 
is preserved in the state paper 
office,(Eccl. Pap. 1 5 59~i 565;) 
it is entitled *'Ilituum atque 
'^ ceremoniarum ordo in con- 
** secrando R««o in Christo 
" Patre Matthseo Parker Can- 
" tuari^nsi Archiepiscopo, in 

** Saccho suo apud manerium 
^' suum de Lamheth : die do. 
" minico xvii^. viz. die mensis 
** Decern bris, a. d. 1559, ha- 
'* bitus." Wilkins has pub- 
lished the same account, but 
from a different source. The 
whole of this matter rests upon 
so goo4 a basis, and has been 
so clearly substantiated, that it 
argues the height of absurdity 
and ignorance to dispute it.] 
r Regist. Parker, tom. i. fol. 

288 The Church History book tiii. 

A.D. 1559* an elder J and a witness of the sufferings of Christ\ 

&c. Sermon ended, and the sacrament administered, 

they proceed to the consecration: the archbishop 
had his rochet on, with Hereford, and the suffi-agan 
of Bedford ; Chichester wore a silk cope, and Cover- 
dale a plain cloth gown down to his ancles ^ All 
things are done conformable to the book of ordina- 
tion ; litany sung, the queen's patent for Parker's 
consecration audibly read by Dr. Yale, he is pre- 
sented, the oath of supremacy tendered to him, taken 
by him, hands reverently imposed on him, and all 
with prayers begun, continued, concluded. In a 
word, though here was no theatrical pomp to make 
it a popish pageant, — though no sandals, gloves, 
ring, staff, oil, pall, &c. were used upon him, yet 
there was ceremony enough to clothe his consecra- 
tion with decency, though not to clog it with super- 
Theieprai- 26. This his consecration is avowed most leffal, 

ity of his ° 

consecra- both according to canon and common law. In the 
latter it was ordered by king Henry the Eighth" 
that an archbishop should not be consecrated but 
by an archbishop and two bishops, or by four bishops, 
in case an archbishop was wanting, as here it was 
performed. Object not that one of these four was 
but a suffragan, seeing such by the laws of the land* 
(though not able to vote as barons in parliament) 
had episcopal power to all purposes and intents. 
Neither cavil that Coverdale henceforward led a 

8 I Pet. V. I. lains. State Papers, ib. The 

* [Chichester was assisted by " cloth gown" was the puritan's 

Nicholas BuUingham, archdea- garb.] 

con of Lincoln, and Edmond " Anno Regor. 25. 

Guest, archdeacon of Canter- * 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 14. 

bury, the archbishop's chap- 


CENT. XVI. of Britain. 289 

private life, being always a bishop qtwad characterem, a. d. 1559. 

and for the present quoad jus et tittdum, (Exeter, 

his former bishopric, being actually void by the 
deprivation of Turberville,) though refusing to be 
so qtwad possessionem. As for the canonical part 
of his consecration, six of the most eminent doctors 
of that fiu5ulty England then afforded gave it under 
their hands that the same was exactly observed. 

27. Yet notwithstanding all circumstances soTheimpu. 
flolemnly performed, some impudent papists haverN^r 
raised a lie that Matthew Parker was consecrated^**^' 
ad caput manni, at the Nag's Head, a tavern in 
Gheapside y. Indeed they shew a place therein, just 
against the bar, so anciently arched, that an active 
fimcy (which can make any thing of any thing) may 
make to itself a top or tester of a pulpit thereof, 
though the like thereunto may be seen elsewhere in 
the city. But that this lie of the Nag's Head was 
bred in a knave's brains doth plainly appear; for 
why should a rich man be a thief? Seeing all churches 
in England were equally open unto them to pick and 
choose at pleasure, why should they steal a clandes- 
tine consecration in a place so justly obnoxious to 
censure? Were not the Canaanites and Perizzites 
then in the land ? Were not many prying papists 
then mingled amongst protestants ? which consider- 
ation alone would command them to be cautious in 
their proceedings. Besides, that mock pulpit shewn 

7 [The confirmation was per- some of those who had been 

formed at Bow church, in present are supposed to have 

Gheapside, Dec. 9, iSS9> ^i~ dined at the Nag's Head ta- 

eholas Bullinghsm acting as vem, and thus probably gave 

the archbishop's proxy. On occasion to this scandal. See 

their return from the ceremony, below, p. 293.] 



The Church History 


A.D. 1559. at this day at the entrance of that tavern was incon- 
^ '^' sistent with the secresy, (which is said to be their 
design,) who would rather have made choice of an 
inner and more remote room for that purpose. But 
when once one Jesuit had got this shameless lie of 
the Nag's Head, I cannot say by the tail, but by the 
ears, instantly Champneys, Fitz-Simon, Parsons, Kel- 
lison, Constable, and all the whole kennel of them, 
bawl it out in their books to all posterity. 

?^n'(\he ^^' ^^^ ^'^^ authority the papists produce for 
sole witness their Nag's Head consecration is ultimately resolved 

thereof) . 1 . 1 . t* rm ^r ^ 

confuted, mto the suiglc testimony of one Thomas Neale, 
chaplain to bishop Bonner, and sometimes Hebrew 
professor in Oxford. But was this Neale known or 
unknown to the bishops pretended in this tavern 
assembly? If known, as most probable he was, 
(Bonner 8 chaplains bearing their master's mark, the 
indelible character of cruelty stamped upon them, as 
the wolf is too well known to the sheep,) it is 
utterly unlikely they would permit a person vowing 
open opposition to their proceedings to be present 
thereat. If Neale were unknown, the English 
bishops (whom the papists, though they call heretics, 
do not count fools) would not admit a stranger to 
their privacies of such importance, seeing commonly 
in such cases men's jealousies interpret every un- 
known face to be a foe unto them *. 

^ [This calumny was exa- 
mined and refuted by Mason, 
in his celebrated and learned 
work, De Ministerio Anglicano, 
in which he is said to have 
been assisted by bishop Overal; 
by bishop Bramhall, in his Vin- 
dication of the Church of Eng- 
land ; and by Thomas Browne, 

of St. John's College, Cam. 
bridge, in a book entitled "The 
Story of the Ordination of 
our first Bishops in Queen 
" Elizabeth's Reign, at the 
'* Nag's Head Tavern, in 
*' Cheapside, &c." Lond.1731. 
See also Strype's Life of Par- 
ker, book II. ch. I.] 




of Britain, 


29. To the testimony of Neale one endeavours to a.d. 1559. 

1 Eliz 

twist the witness of John Stow to prove this Nag's — ; — 1- 
Head consecration * ; a silent witness, who says no- witness pre- 
thing herein, if either we consult his Chronicle of ^^^^ ^'^ 
our kings or his Survey of London ; he neither 
fipeaks words, nor makes any signs thereof. But 
(saith the Jesuit) Stow, though prudently omitting 
to print it, told the same to some of his private 
friends. I pray to whom, where, and when ? and 

a Champneius, p. 501 . [The 
following is the title of this 
very rare book, which first 
gave currency to the fable of 
the Nag*s Head : '' Anthonii 
'* Champnai, Anglic Sacra Ja- 
*' cultatis Parisiensis Doctor is 
" Sorbonici, de Vocatione Mi- 
" nistrorum tractatus. Quo 
*' universes cujusvis prcetensa 
'* reformationis ministros omni 
** penitus legUima vocatione 
'* destitui contra Ptessaum et 
*' Fieldeum. Quo etiam prce- 
*' sentis Anglia Superintends 
*' enteSy qui sedes Episcopates 
" invaserunt, non esse veros 
" Episcopos contra Masonum 
'* et Godtvinum clare ostendi- 
" tur. Unde tamen apud Re- 
*' formistas nullam esse Eccle- 
" siam, nultam Jidem, nuttum 
'.* denique salutis medium mani- 
^feste deducitur." Lutetiae 
Paris. 161 8. It appears from 
the author's preface that this 
is his own Latin version of his 
English book^ which he had 
written against Mason the 
previous year, which edition I 
have never seen. 

With reference to this fable 
of the Nag's Head, Champneys 
states that he heard it from a 

third person, who heard it from 
Neale. But if there were any 
truth in this statement, how 
comes it that it was never 
alluded to in the writings of 
Harpsfield, Sanders, cardinal 
Allen, father Parsons, and 
other writers of the period? 
especially since, according to 
Champneys, all the priests 
confined in Wisbeach castle 
(that is to say, about thirty 
most influential persons among 
the Roman catholics, most of 
them the especial friends of 
cardinal Allen and father Par- 
sons) were privy to the cir- 
cumstance. Champneys, ib. 
49 1 . The tale carries with it 
its own refutation. But when, 
in addition to this, it is fur- 
ther considered that a formal 
and contemporary document 
of archbishop Parker's con- 
secration exists in Lambeth 
palace, and a contemporary 
copy of the same is still pre- 
served in the State Paper Office, 
the matter is placed beyond all 
doubt, and stamps the validity 
of archbishop Parker's conse- 
cration with as decisive and 
clear an evidence as any fact 
which hivStory can produce.] 

U 2 

9&Z The Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1 559. what credible witnesses do attest it? Be it referred 
— ! — !L-to the ingenuity of our very adv^mries whether 
their bare surmises, without any prooi^ be to be 
believed before the public records, &ithfalLy taken 
when the thing was done, carefully preserved ever 
since, entirely extant at this day, and truly tran* 
scribed here by us. Besides, Charles Howard, eari 
of Nottingham, not more famous for the coronet of 
a count than the crown of old age, alive in the 
latter end of the reign of king James, being re- 
quested of a friend whether he could remember 
Matthew Parker's consecration, gave an exact ac- 
count of the same solenmly performed in Lambeth 
chapel, being himself an eyewitness thereof, and an 
invited guest to the great feast kept there that day; 
therefore the more observant of all particular pas- 
sages thereat, because the said archbishop was related 
to him as a kinsman. Let such as desire further 
satisfaction herein consult learned Mason ^, (whom 
king James justly termed a wise builder in God's 
house,) who hath left no stones imtumed to clear 
the truth, and stop the mouth of malicious adver- 
saries. Let the papists therefore not be so busy to 
cast dirt on our bishops, but first fall on washing 
the face of their own pope, even John the Twelfth, 
whom an excellent author reporteth to have ordained 
a deacon in a stable, for which two cardinals reproved 
him ^ ; and let these three stories be told together : 
that the empress Helen was the daughter of an 
hostler, that archbishop Cranmer himself was an 
hostler, and that our first bishops in queen Eliza- 

^ De Minist. Anglic. III. 8^ c Luitprandus [de rebus per 
9> &c. Europam gestis, VI. 7.] 

CENT. XTt. of Britain. 393 

beth*s days were consecrated in the Nag's Head. I a. d. 1559. 

say let these three be told together, because wise 1- 

and good men will believe them together, as all 
coming forth of the forge of falsehood and malice. 

30. Now, though we are not to gratify our adver- Sees sup- 
saries with any advantages against us, yet so con- protestont 
fident is our innocence herein, that it may acquaint ^^^'^ 
the world with that small foundation on which this 
whole report was bottomed: every archbishop or 
bishop presents himself in Bow church, accompanied 
thither with civilians, where any shall be heard who 

can make any legal exceptions against his election. 
A dinner was provided for them at the Nag's Head 
in Cheapside ^, as convenient for the vicinity thereof; 
and from this spark hath all this fire been kindled, 
to admonish posterity not only to do no evil, but 
also in this captious age to refrain from all appear- 
ance thereof. 

31. Parker, thus solemnly consecrated, proceeded, 
with the assistance of the aforesaid bishops, to the 
consecration of other grave divines; and not, as 
Sanders lewdly lies, that these new-elected bishops, 
out of good fellowship, mutually consecrated one 
another ; some whereof were put into bishoprics void 
by the natural death, as Salisbury, Rochester, Glou- 
cester, Bristol, Bangor ; or by the voluntary deser- 
tion, as Worcester and St. Asaph ; or by the legal 
deprivation of the former bishops, as all other sees 
in England. Suffice it at this time to present a 
perfect catalogue of their names, sees, with the dates 
of their consecrations, referring their commendable 

^ This the lord chancellor Egerton afl&rmed to bishop Wil- 

U 3 

294 The Church. History book ix. 

•^•^.^V'^^^* characters to be set down when we come to their 

2 hliz. 

respective deaths : 

Province of Canterbury, 

1 . Edmund Grindal, consecrated, London . . . Dec. 2 1 , 1559. 

2. Richard Cox, Ely 060.21,1559. 

3. Edwin Sands, Worcester Dec.21,1559. 

4. Rowland Merick, Bangor ... Dec.2f,i559. 

5. Nicholas Bullingham, Lincoln... Jan. 21,1560. 

6. John Jewell, Salisbury Jan. 21,1 560. 

7. Thomas Young, St. David''s Jan. 21,1560. 

S.Richard Davies, St. Asaph Jan. 21, 1560. 

9. Thomas Bentham, Cov.& Lich. Mar.24, 1560. 

10. Gilbert Barclay, Bath&W. Mar.24,1560. 

1 1 . Edmund Guest, Rochester Mar.24, 1560. 

1 2. William Alley, Exeter . . . July 14, 1560. 

13. John Parkhurst Norwich... Sept. 1,1560. 

1 4. Robeii; Home Winchest. Feb. 1 6, 1561 . 

15. Edmund Scambler Peterboro' Feb. 16,1561. 

1 6. Richard Oheyney Gloucester Apr. 1 9, 1562. 

Province of York, 

1 . Thomas Young, translated from St. Da- 

vid's to York Feb. 20,1561. 

2. James Pilkington, consecrated, Durham.. Mar. 2,1561. 

3. John Best, Carlisle... Mar. 2,1561. 

4. George Downham, Chester... May 4,1561. 

The other bishoprics were thus disposed of: Ri- 
chard Cheyney held Bristol in commendam with 
Gloucester ; Barlow and Scory, bishops in king Ed- 
ward's days, were translated, the one to Chichester, 
the other to Hereford ; as for the bishopric of Ox- 
ford, as it was void at this time, so it continued for 
some years after. 

reLSe ^^' ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ f^^S®^ ^^^ *^® bishopric of 
bishopric of Carlisle was first proffered to Bernard Gilpin, that 


CENT. XVI. of Bnlain. 9Q5 

patriarchal divine, rector of Houghton in the north, a. d. 1559. 

2 £liz. 

as may appear by the ensuing letter of Edwin Sandys, '-^ 

bishop of Worcester, wrote unto him ® : 

My much and worthily respected cousin, having 
regard unto the good of the church of Christ, 
" rather than to your ease, I have by all the good 
** means I could been careful to have this charge 
imposed upon you, which may be both an honour 
to yourself and a benefit to the church of Christ. 
My true report concerning you hath so prevailed 
** with the queen's majesty, that she hath nominated 
you bishop of Carlisle. 

I am not ignorant that your inclination rather 
delighteth in the peaceable tranquillity of a private 
life. But if you look upon the estate of the 
church of England with a respective eye, you can- 
" not with a good conscience refuse this charge im- 
posed upon you ; so much the less because it is in 
such a place as wherein no man is found fitter 
than yourself to deserve well of the church. In 
which respect I charge you before God, and as you 
shall answer to God herein, that, setting all excuses 
" aside, you refuse not to assist your country, and to 
" do service to the church of God to the uttermost 
of your power. In the mean while I give you to 
understand that the said bishopric is to be left 
" untouched, neither shall any thing of it be dimi- 
" nished, (as in some others it is a custom,) but you 
** shall receive the bishopric entire, as Dr. Oglethorp 
" hath left it. 

" Wherefore, exhorting and charging you to be 

• Found amongst JMr. Gilpin's papers, after his death. 

U 4 






296 The ChMitch History book ix. 

A. D. 1559- ^' obedient to God*s call herein, and not to neglect 
— " the duty of our own calling, I commesi^d both 

" yourself and the whole business to " the Divine 

" Providence. 

^^ Your kinsman and brother, 

[4 April, 1560.] *' Edwin Worcester." 

But Mr. Gilpin desired to be excused, continuing 

unmovable in his resolution of refusal ^ ; not that he 

had any disaffection to the office, as some do believe 

themselves, and would willingly persuade others, but 

because, as he privately confessed to his friends fl^, 

he had so much kindred about Carlisle, at whom he 

must either connive in many things, not without hurt 

to himself, or else deny them, not vdthout offence to 

them: to avoid which difficulties, he refused the 

bishopric. It was afterward bestowed (as in our 

catalogue) on Dr. John Best, a grave and learned 

divine ; but whether on the same terms, without 

any diminution to the church, my author knew 

not^, leaving us under a shrewd suspicion of the 


Why Bar. 33. If any demand of me why Barlow, formerly 

scory were bishop of Bath and Wells, and Scory, bishop of 

Stored to Chichestor, were not rather restored to their own 

S^'b^'op- 1^8^ translated to other bishoprics \ as certainly I 

y^^j^- do not know, so willingly I will not guess at the 

cause thereof, though I have leisure to listen to the 

' [Strype thinks that Gilpin pin's Life» p. 80. [Reprinted in 

refused this bishopric on ac- (Bates') Vitse Seleetie, p. 282.] 

count of the great number of h Idem, p. 81. 

papists in the see, and the ig- i [They were confirmed in 

norance and ill-will of the pre- their new bishoprics Dec. 20, 

bends. Grind, p. 85.] i559> ^^ ^^' Thomas's eye. 

S Bishop Carleton in Gil- Strype's Park. 65.] 

r. xvu of Britain. 897 

lectures of others herein. Some impute it to a. d. 1559. 

r own desires, (preferring fair paper before what '— 

soiled with their ill success,) rather to begin on 
3W account than to renew their reckoning with 
le bishoprics where they had been interrupted 
1 persecution; others ascribe it to the queen, 
nn shewing her absolute power of disposition and 
iq>osition of all prelates ; at her pleasure crossing 
hands, and translating Scory from Chichester to 
•eford, Barlow from Bath and Wells to Chiches- 
A third sort resolve it on a point of the queen's 
;ality, (a virtue needful in a princess coming to 
rown in her condition,) to get new first fruits 
iheir new translations, which otherwise would not 
rue by their restitutions. Sure I am none of 
30 conjecturers were either of the bedchamber 
souncil-board to the queen, acquainted with her 
^ntions herein ^. 

[For Barlow's translation " after lead, (I would they had 

Chichester, sir John Har- '^ drunk it scalding,) that they 

ton has given another and ^' took the dead bodies of bi- 

ry plausible reason. Speak- " shops out of their leaden 

of the dilapidations in the '^ coffins, and cast abroad the 

3f Bath and Wells during *' carcases, scarce thoroughly 

reign of Edward VI.^ he *^ putrified. The statues of 

rves : '* Scarce were five " brass, and all the ancient 

»rs passed after Bath's '* monuments of kings^ bene- 

ins, but as fiast went the ** factors to that goodly cathe- 

[68 and hammers to work *' dral church, went all the 

Wells. The goodly hall, '^ same way, sold (as my author 

•vered with lead, (because " writes) to an alderman of 

le roof might seem too low " London. — ^These things were, 

r so large a room,) was '* I will not say done, I will say 

[icovered, and now this roof " atleastsuffered,bythisbi8hop. 

•aches to the sky. The cha. *^ — But some will say to me, 

3I of our lady, late repaired " why did he (Barlow) not sue 

f Stillington, a place of "to be restored to this bishop- 

*eat reverence and anti- ^* ric at his return, finding it 

lity, was likewise defaced ;« "vacant, but rather accepted 

id such was their thirst " of Chichester } I have asked 


The Church History 



A. D. 1559. 34. As for Miles Coverdale, formerly bishop of 

^ Exeter, he never returned to his see, but remained 

verd'aie re- a prfvato minister to the day of his death. Indeed 
hiTi^siwp- 1^ ^^^8 true of him, what is said of others. He was 
ric of Exe- ^^ ^ firebrand plucked out of the burning ^ ; being 
designed to death by queen Mary, had not the 
seasonable and importunate intercession of Frede- 
rick king of Denmark redeemed him ; and, although 
his dissenting in judgment from some ceremonies 
in our discipline is generally alleged as the cause of 
his not returning to his bishopric, yet more probable 
it is it was caused by his impotency, as may appear 
by his epitaph, which here we have thought fit to 
insert, as T took it from the brass inscription of his 
marble stone, under the communion-table in the 
chancel of St. Bartholomew's, behind the Ex- 
change '" : 



this qiu»stion, and I have re- 
ceived this answer: — There 
remain yet in the body of 
Wells Church, about thirty 
feet high, two eminent images 
of stone, set there, as is 
thought, by bishop Burnell, 
that built the great hall there 
in the reign of Edward I., 
but most certainly long be- 
fore the reign of Henry VIII. 
One of these images is of a 
king crowned ; the other is 
of a bishop mitred : this king 
in all proportions resembling 
Henry VIII. ; holdeth in his 
hand a child falling. The 
bishop hath a woman and 
children about him. Now 
the old men of Wells had a 
tradition, that when there 
should be such a king and 
such a bishop, then the church 

' should be in danger of ruin. 
' This falling child they said 

* was king Edward ; the fruit- 
' ful bishop they affirmed was 

* Dr. Barton, the first married 
' bishop of Wells, and perhaps 
' of England. [He also had a 
' large family.] This talk be- 
' ing rife in Wells in queen 
' Mary's time, made him rather 
' affect Chichester at his re- 
' turn than Wells, where not 

* only the things that were 
' ruined, but those that re- 

* mained, served for records 
' and remembrances of his sa- 

* crilege." Harrington's Nugse 
Antiq. II. 146.] 

1 Amos iv. II. 

m [Upon receiving this pre- 
ferment, and requesting, upon 
plea of his inability, to have the 
first fruits, which amounted to 


of Britain. 


A.D. 1559. 
2 Eliz. 

Hie tcmdem reqaiemque ferem^finemque labomm, 

Ossa Coverdalis Tfnortua twmhus habet. 

Ex(mi(£ quiprcBStd erat dignimmm oUm, 

Insignis vitce mr prohitate 8uce. 
Octoginta armo8 grandcRmis vixit et tmum^ 

Indigmim potssm scepivs exilium. 
Sic demttm variis jcictdtum cdsihus, ista 

Excepit gremm terra bmigna stto. 

Obiit 1568, Jan. 20. 

Now if Coverdale, anno 1568, was fourscore and 
one year of age, then at this very time when he 
consecrated Parker was he seventy-two years old, 
passing with Jesse for an old man ^ ; yea, he had 
passed the age of man **, and therefore henceforward, 
finding himself fitter for devotion than action, re- 
fused the resumption of his bishopric. 

35. So much for the bishops. As for the inferior Mean mi. 

nisters in 

upwards of 60/., released by the 
queen, he added, ** that if poor 
'* old Miles might be thus pro- 
" videdfor,he should think this 
" enough to be as good as a 
*' feast." So that it would seem 
from this that he Iiad no wish 
for a bishopric ; although with- 
out doubt he was neglected by 
the queen, as may be seen by the 
remarks of Grindal, who ear- 
nestly recommended him to the 
see of Llandaff, void about this 
time. See Strype's Gr. ib. I 
find his name however, among 
others, in a list preserved in 
the State Paper Office of such 
of the clergy as were appa- 
rently intended for promotion. 
** Eccl. Papers, 1559 — 1565." 
But he never obtained prefer- 
ment of any value, either on 

account of his not altogether 
conforming to the Church of 
England, or from his age and 
infirmities. Besides which he 
was married, and that was by 
no means favourable to his pro- 
motion in Elizabeth's reign. 
See Burnet's Ref. Ill.ii. 537, 
539. In 1564, he was collated 
by Grindal, bishop of London, 
to the church of St. Magnus, at 
the foot of London Bridge, 
(where his bones now rest, since 
the late desecration of St. Bar- 
tholomew's) ; and by his influ- 
ence with archbishop Parker, 
the payment of the first fruits 
was remitted. See Strype's 
Park. 148. Grind. 91.] 

n I Sam. xxvi. 12. 

o Psalm xc. 

800 The Church History book ix. 

^•^•J559- clergy under them, the best that could be gotten 

— — were placed in pastoral charges. Alas ! tolerabilitj 

appem by was eminencj in that age : a rush candle seemed a 
nour*! MT- torch, whero no brighter light was ever seen before. 
"^' Surely preaching now ran very low, if it be true 
what I read, that Mr. Tavemour p, of Water-Eaton 
in Oxfordshire, high-sheriff of the county, came in 
pure charity, not ostentation, and gave the scholars 
a sermon in St. Mary's, with his gold chain about 
his neck and his sword by his side, beginning witii 
these words ^ : 

" Arriving at the mount of St. Mary's, in the 

'^ stony stage where I now stand ', I have brought 

you some fine biscuits, baked in the oven of cha^ 

rity, and carefully conserved for the chickens of 

the church, the sparrows of the Spirit^ and the 

" sweet swallows of salvation." 

If England in our memory hath been sensible of 
a perfective alteration in her churches, if since she 
hath seen more learning in the people's pews than 
was then generally in the reader's desk, yea, preach- 
er's pulpit, let God be more glorified in it, men more 
edified by it ; seeing of late the universities have 
afforded more vine-dressers than the country could 
yield them vineyards. Yea, let us be jealous over 
ourselves with a godly jealousy, lest our ingratitude 
make us to relapse into the like ignorance and bar- 
barism ; for want of bread was not so much the 

P [I find a license to preach Rebel, 

granted to Richard Tavernour^ ^ [The stone pulpits used in 

1 55 1. Strype's Mem. II. 530.] those days. Some pulpits of 

4 In the preface to sir John this kind still remain in the 

Cheke's True Subject to the university.] 


of Britain. 


snflfering of those days, as fulness thereof hath lately a. d. 1559. 
been the sin of ours. ^ . 

86. Great abuses beinff offered to the monuments ^ v^y^^ 

" mation 

of the dead, the queen thought fitting seasonably to against de- 
retrench the increase of such impieties ; and although moouments 
(her proclamation being printed) the printing of her"^ 
name thereunto had been of as much validity in 
itself, and of far more ease to her majesty, yet, to 
manifest her princely zeal therein, she severally 
signed each copy (and those numerous, to be dis- 
persed throughout all her dominions) with her own 
hand ; and seeing she begrudged not her pains to 
superscribe her name, I shall not think much of 
mine to transcribe the whole proclamation. 

« Elizabeth \ 

** The queen's majesty understanding that by the 
means of sundry people, partly ignorant, partly 
^ malitious or covetous, there hath been of late yeers 
spoiled and broken certain ancient monuments, 
some of metall, some of stone, which were erected 
up as well in churches as in other publike places 
^ within this realme, only to shew a memory to the 
•* posterity of the persons there buried, or that had 
** been bene&ctours to the buildings or dotations of 
*' the same churches or publique places, and not to 
*' nourish any kinde of superstition ; by which means 





8 [Entitled '< A Proclamation 
'' agaynst breakyng or de&cing 
** of Monumentes of antiquitie, 
'^ being set up in churches or 
** other publique places for me- 
'* mory, and not for supersti- 
*' tion."] This proclamation 

was printed at London, in Paul's 
Churchyard^ by Richard Jugg 
and John Cawood» printers to 
the queen. [The copy here 
printed was collated with an 
original preserved in the State 
Paper Oiiice.] 

302 The Church HUtory book ix. 

A. D. 1559* '^ not only the churches and places remain at this 

" present day spoiled, broken, and ruinated, to the 

offence of all noble and gentle hearts, and the 
extinguishing of the honourable and good memory 
of sundry vertuous and noble persons deceased, 
" but also the true understanding of divers families 
" in this realm (who have descended of the blood of 
" the same persons deceased) is thereby so darkened, 
as the true course of their inheritance may be 
hereafter interrupted, contrary to justice, besides 
" many other offences that hereof do ensue, to the 
" slander of such as either gave or had charge, in 
'' times past, only to deface monuments of idolatry, 
" and false fained images in churches and abbeys. 
'' And therefore, although it be very hard to recover 
" things broken and spoiled, yet, both to provide 
" that no such barbarous disorder be hereafter used, 
" and to repaire as much of the said monuments as 
" conveniently may be, her majesty chargeth and 
" commandeth all manner of persons hereafter to for- 
" bear the breaking or defacing of any parcell of any 
" monument, or tombe, or grave, or other inscrip- 
tion, and memory of any person deceased, being in 
any manner of place ; or to break any image of 
kings, princes or noble estates, of this realme, or 
" of any other that have been in times past erected 
'' and set up, for the only memory of them to their 
" posterity in common churches, and not for any 
" religious honour ; or to break down or deface 
" any image in glass windows in any church, 
" without consent of the ordinarie, upon pain that 
" whosoever shall herein be found to offend, to be 
" committed to the next goale, and there to remain 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 803 

*** without baile or mainprise, unto the next coming a. d. 1559. 

** of the justices for the delivery of the said goale ; '— 

and then to be farther punished by fine or impri- 
sonment, (besides the restitution or reedification 
of the thing broken,) as to the said justices shall 
seem meet, using therein the advice of the ordi- 
nary, and, if need shall be, the advice also of 
her majesties councell in her starrchamber. 
" And for such as be already spoiled in any 
church or chappell now standing, her majesty 
chargeth and commandeth all archbishops, bishops, 
" and other ordinaries or ecclesiastical persons, which 
have authority to visit the same churches or chap- 
pels, to enquire by presentments of the curates, 
•* churchwardens, and certain of the parishioners, what 
manner of spoiles have been made sithence the 
beginning of her majesties raigne, of such monu- 
ments, and by whom ; and if the persons be living, 
how able they be to repair and reedifie the same ; 
and thereupon to convent the same persons, and 
to enjoyn them, under pain of excommunication, 
to repair the same by a convenient day, or other- 
wise, as the cause shall farther require, to notifie 
•^ the same to her majesties councell in the starr- 
*^ chamber at Westminster. And if any such shall be 
** found and convicted thereof, not able to repair 
" the same, that then they be enjoyned to do open 
pennance two or three times in the church, as to 
the quality of the crime and party belongeth, 
" under like pain of excommunication. And if the 
party that offended be dead, and the executours 
of the will left, having suflficient in their hands 
^^ unadministred, and the offence notorious, the ordi- 

. (C 




804 The Church Huiary boox ix. 

A. D. 1559. " narie of the place shall also enjoyn them to repair 
' " or reedifie the same, upon like or any other con- 

^' venient pain, to he devised hy the said ordinarie. 
'' And when the offender cannot he presented, if it 
^' be in any cathedral or collegiate church, which 
'* hath any revenue belonging to it, that is not pai- 
** ticularly allotted to the sustentation of any peiv 
" son certain or otherwise, but that it may remain 
'' in the discretion of the govemour thereof to he- 
stow the same upon any other charitable deed, as 
mending of highwayes or such like, her migesty 
*' enjoyneth and straitly chargeth the govemours and 
*' companies of every such church to employ such 
*^ parcels of the said sums of mony (as anywise 
** may be spared) upon the speedy repaire or re- 
^' edification of any such monuments so defaced or 
*' spoiled, as agreeable to the original, as the same 
conveniently may be. 

^^ And where the covetousness of certain persons 
is such, that as patrons of churches, or owners of 
'^ the personages impropriated, or by some other 
" colour or pretence, they do perswade vnth the 
'^ person and parishioners to take or throw dovm the 
'^ bells of churches and chappels, and the lead of 
*' the same, converting the same to their private 
^^ gain, and to the spoile of the said places, and 
*' make such like alterations, as thereby they seek 
^^ a slanderous desolation of the places of prayer, 
" her miyesty (to whom, in the right of the crown 
" by the ordinance of Almighty God, and by the 
'* laws of this realme, the defence and protection of 
'^ the church of this realme belongeth) doth ex- 
" pressly forbid any manner of person to take away 




CENT. XVI. of Britain. 306 

** any bells or lead of any church or chappel, [now a. 0.1559. 
used, or that ought to be used, with publique and ^ 
divine service, or otherwyse deface any suche 
** churche or chappell,] under pain of imprisonment 
** during her majesties pleasure, and such farther fine 
** for the contempt as shall be thought meet. 

" And her majesty chargeth all bishops and ordi- 
naries to enquire of all such contempts done from 
the beginning of her majesties raigne, and to 
enjoyn the persons offending to repair the same 
" within a convenient time ; and of their doings in 
" this behalf to certifie her majesties privie-counccll, 
" or the councell in the starr-chamber at Westmin- 
*^ ster, that order may be taken herein. 

" Given at Windsor, the 19th of September, the 
« second year of her majesties raign." 

Her princely care took this desired effect, that it 
stopped the main stream of sacrilege herein, though 
some by-rivulets thereof ran still in private churches, 
in defiance of all orders provided to the contrary. 

37. May the reader take notice, that hencefor- The death 
ward (God willing) we will set down at the end ofterofw- 
every year the deaths of such eminent divines who * ®^ ®' 
deceased therein, though we find no funerals of any 
prime protestant in the two first years of the queen's 
reign. Her coming to the crown inspirited the 
weakest and oldest with vigorousness and vivacity 
for a time ; and Divine Providence preserved them 
jfrom blasting who were but newly replanted in their 
places. Only we conjecture that John Bale, bishop 
of Ossory, died about this time, we finding no future 
mention of his activity, which, if alive, could not 
conceal itself. Pity it is we cannot give the exact 


306 The Church History book ix. 

AD. 1559. date of his death, who was so accurate in noting 

3 £liz. 

the deceases of others * ; for this John Bale was be 

who, besides many other books, enlarged Leland, 
and continued the Lives of the English Writers. 
Bom at Covehithe, near Dunwich, in Suffolk, bred 
in Cambridge, afterwards a Carmelite in Norwich, 
and ignorantly zealous in their superstitions, he was 
first converted to the knowledge of the gospel (as 
himself confesseth ^) by the care of that worthy lord, 
Thomas lord Wentworth, of Nettlested in Suffolk ; 
whereupon, to use his own expression, he was trans- 
ported from his barren mount Carmel to the fair and 
fruitful vale of the gospel. 
The perse- 38. Presently comes persecution. For his preach- 
whioh in iug of the gospel he is dragged from the pulpit to 
»^ered.* the consistory, before Lee, archbishop of York; and 
for the same cause was afterwards convented before 
Stokesley, bishop of London ; but the lord Cromwell 
(much affected with the facetiousness of such come- 
dies as he had presented unto him) rescued him 
fi-om their paws by his power. After eight years 
exile in Germany, he was recalled by king Edward, 
and made bishop of Ossory in Ireland, where he 
remained but a short timefi^; for after the king's 
death he hardly escaped with his own life, (some of 
his servants being slain,) cast by tempest into Corn- 
wall, taken by pirates, dearly redeemed, with much 
difficulty he recovered London, with more danger 
got over into Germany; whence returning, in the 

c [He died in Nov. 1563, » [He did not return to his 

according to Strype. Park, bishopric, but contented him. 

143."! self with a prebend of Canter- 

^ De Scriptor. Britan. VIII. bury. Strype's Park. 63.] 
§. 100. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 307 

first of queen Elizabeth, about this time he ended ^•^•f5S9- 

his life, leaving a scholar's inventory, moe books 

(many of his own making) than money behind him, 

39. His friends say that Bale his pen doth zea- Bale's pas- 
lously confute, such as are strangers to him conceive soured to 
it doth bitterly inveigh, and his foes say it doth ^^ 
damnably rail on, papists and their opinions ; though 
something may be pleaded for his passion. Old age 

and ill usage will make any man angry. When 
young, he had seen their superstition; when old, 
he felt their oppression. Give losers therefore leave 
to speak, and speakers to be choleric in such cases. 
The best is. Bale rails not more on papists, than 
Pits (employed on the same subject) on protestant 
writers ; and (even set one against the other) whilst 
the discreet reader of both, paring off the extrava- 
gancies of passion on each side, may benefit himself 
in quietness from their loud and clamorous invec- 
tives ^. 

40. Pius the Fourth, being newly settled in the The pope 
papal chair, thought to do something no less honour- to re^die 
able than profitable to his see, in reducing queen J^^t^g®®^ 
Elizabeth (a wandering sheep worth a whole flock) ^^ ®^ 
to the church of Rome ; in order whereunto, he not 

only was deaf to the importunity of the count of 
Feria, pressing him (for a private grudge) to excom- 
municate her, but also addressed Vincent Parpalia, 
abbot of St. Saviour's, with courteous letters unto 
her ; the tenor whereof ensueth : 

** [Therejis nothing in Pitts equal to the vulgarity, coarseness, 
and gross indecency of Bale.] 

X 2 

308 The Church Hutary book ix. 

A. D. 1560. « To our most dear Daughter in Christ, Elizabeth 
— — !1— " Queen of England. 

^ Dear daughter in Christ, health and apostolical 
" benediction. How greatly we desire (our pastoral 
*' charge requiring it) to procure the salvation of 
your soule, and to provide likewise for your ho- 
nour, and the establishment of your kingdom 
*' withall, God the searcher of all hearts knoweth, 
" and you may understand by what we have given 
" in charge to this our beloved son Vincentius Par- 
'* palia, abbot of St. Saviours, a man well known 
" to you and well approved by us. Wherefore we 
do again and again exhort and admonish your 
highnesse, most dear daughter, that, rejecting evil 
" councellours, which love not you, but themselves, 
" and serve their own lusts, you would take the fear 
*' of God into counsell with you, and, acknowledging 
*' the time of your visitation, shew your self obe- 
" dient to our fatherly perswasions and wholsome 
" counsells, and promise to your self from us all 
things that may make not only to the salvation of 
your soul, but also whatsoever you shall desire 
" from us for the establishing and confirming of your 
" princely dignity, according to the authority, place, 
*' and office committed unto us by God. And if 
" so be, as we desire and hope, you shall return into 
" the bosome of the church, we shall be ready to 
** receive you with the same love, honour, and re- 
*' joycing, that the father in the gospel did his son 
" returning to him ; although our joy is like to be 
'* the greater, in that he was joy full for the salvation 
'* of one son, but you, drawing along with you all 
*' the people of England, shall hear us and the whole 

CENT, XVI. of Britain* 809 

" company of our brethren (who are shortly, God a. d. i 560. 

** willing, to be assembled in a generall councell for — 

** the taking away of heresies) and so for the salvation 
" of your self and your whole nation fill the universal 
" church with rejoycing and gladnesse. Yea, you 
** shaU make glad heaven itself with such a memo- 
" rable fact, and atchieve admirable renown to your 

name, much more glorious than the crown you 

wear. But, concerning this matter, the same Vin- 
** centius shall deal with you more largely, and shall 
** declare our fatherly affection toward you : and we 
^ intreate your majesty to receive him lovingly, to 
" hear him diligently, and to give the same credit 

to his speeches which you would to our self. 

" Given at Rome, at St. Peters, &c., the fifth 

day of May, 1560, in our first yeer." 



What private proposals Parpalia made to her ma- 
jesty, on condition she would be reconciled to Rome, 
is unknown. Some conceive the pope might pro- 
mise more than he meant to perform ; but would he 
perform more than he did promise, nothing herein 
had been effected. A bargain can never be driven 
where a buyer can on no terms be procured. Her 
majesty was resolute and unmovable in her religion ; 
and yet some (not more knowing of councils, but 
more daring in conjectures, than others) who love to 
feign what they cannot find, that they may never 
appear to be at a loss, avouch that the pope promised 
to revoke the sentence against her mother Anne 
Boleyn's marriage, to confirm our English Liturgy 
by -his authority, to permit the English the commu- 
nion under both kinds, provided she would own the 
pope's primacy, and cordially unite herself to the 

X 3 

310 Tlie Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1560. catholic church. Yea, some thousands of crowns 

— ! !L-(but all in vain) were promised to the effectors 

thereof; wherein his holiness, seemingly liberal, was 
really thrifty, as knowing such his sums, if accepted, 
would within one year return with an hundred-fold 
increase **. 
The con- 41. Scipio, a gentleman of Venice, formerly fami- 
scipiohis liar with Mr. Jewell whilst he was a student in 
MnJeweU. Padua, wrotc now an expostulating letter unto him, 
being lately made bishop of Salisbury ; wherein he 
much admired that England should send no ambas- 
sador nor message, or letter to excuse their nation's 
absence from the general appearance of Christianity 
in the sacred council of Trent. He highly extolled 
the antiquity and use of general councils, as the 
only means to decide controversies in religion, and 
compose the distractions in the church, concluding 
it a superlative sin for any to decline the authority 
The sum of 42. To this Mr. Jewell returned a largfe and so- 

Mr. Jew- -k.T 1 1 

eU's an- lemu answcr. Now although he wrote it as a private 
person, yet because the subject thereof was of public 
concernment, take the principal heads thereof : 

Firstly, That a great part of the world professing 
the name of Christ (as Greeks, Armenians, Abessines, 
&c., with all the Eastern church) were neither sent 
to nor summoned to this council '\ 

Secondly, That England's absence was not so 
great a wonder, seeing many other kingdoms and 
free states (as Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, princes 

^ [This is asserted by bishop i See it at large at the end of 
Carleton, in his Thankf. Re- the History of the Council of 
memb. 12.] Trent. 


CBNT. XVI. of Britain, 311 

of Grennany and Hanse-towns) were not represented a. d. 1560. 
in this council by any of their ambassadors. 1- 

Thirdly, That this pretended council was not 
called according to the ancient custom of the church, 
by the imperial authority, but by papal usurpation. 

Fourthly, That Trent was a petty place, not of 
sujBScient receipt for such multitudes as necessarily 
should repair to a general council. 

Fifthly, That pope Pius the Fourth, by whose 
command the council was re-assembled, purchased 
his place by the unjust practices of simony and 
bribery, and managed it with murder and cruelty. 

Sixthly, That repairing to councils was a free act, 
and none ought to be condemned of contumacy if it 
stood more with their conveniency to stay at home. 

Seventhly, That anciently it was accepted as a 
reasonable excuse of holy bishops absenting or with- 
drawing themselves from any council, if they vehe- 
mently suspected aught would be acted therein pre- 
judicial to the truth, lest their (though not active) 
included concurrence might be interpreted a coun- 
tenancing thereof. 

Eighthly, Our English bishops were employed in 
feeding their flocks and governing their churches, 
and could not be spared from their charge without 
prejudice to their consciences. 

Ninthly, The members of the council of Trent, 
both bishops and abbots, were by oath pregaged to 
the pope " to defend and maintain his authority 
« agamst all the world/' 

Lastly, In what capacity should the English clergy 
appear in this council ? They could not as free per- 
sons, to debate matters therein, being precondemned 
for heretics by pope Julius. They would not come 

X 4 

SIS The Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1560.08 offenders, to hear the sentence pronounced agamst 
— — IL- themselves which they had heard of before. 

What effect this letter produced I find not ; sure 
I am no papists as yet have made an effectual refu- 
tation of the reasons rendered therein. 
Wertmin- 43. The bcUs of St. Peter's in Westminster had 
Church re- Strangely rung the changes these last thirty years ; 
q^wl^^u^ within which time, first, it was a stately and rich 
cabeth. convcut of Bencdictiue monks; secondly, it was 
made a collegiate church of dean and prebendaries 
by king Henry the Eighth ; thirdly, by the same 
king, it was made an episcopal see, and Thomas 
Thirlby (who, having wasted the church's patrimony, 
surrendered it to the spoil of courtiers) the first and 
last bishop thereof; fourthly, queen Mary reseated 
the abbot and monks in the possession thereof, who 
were outed after her death ; lastly, this year queen 
Elizabeth converted it again into a collegiate church, 
founding therein maintenance for one dean, twelve 
prebendaries, as many old soldiers past service for 
alms-men, and forty scholars, who in due time are 
preferred to the universities: so that it hath proved 
one of the most renowned seminaries of religion and 
learning in the whole nation. 
The pope 44. Popc Pius, though uusuccessful in his ad- 

triethagain, _ - , _ ^ « t 

in vain, to drssscs last year to the queen, yet was not so dis- 
queer^ ^ heartened but that once more he would try what 
might be effected' therein ; to which purpose he em- 
ployed the abbot of Martinegi with most loving 
letters unto her, desiring leave to come over into 
England. But the queen, knowing it less diflSculty 
and danger to keep him than to cast him out of her 
dominions, forbade his entrance into the realm, afll 
against the laws of the land ; so that he was fain to 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 813 

deliver his errand and receive his answer (and that a. d. 1561. 
a denial) at distance in the Low Countries. As— ^ — !l^ 

little success had the bishop of Viterbo, the pope's 
nuncio to the king of France, secretly dealing with 
sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the queen's agent there, 
to persuade her to send ambassadors to the council 
of Trent; which, for the reasons afore-mentioned, 
was justly refused. 

45. Sir Edward Came, the queen's leger at Rome, The death 
doctor of civil law, knighted by the emperor Charles ward Carne. 
the Fifth, pretended that as the queen would not 
suffer the pope's nuncio to come into England, so 

the pope would not permit him to depart Rome; 
whereas, indeed, the cunning old man was not de- 
tained, but detained himself; so well pleased was he 
with the place, and his office therein, where soon 
after he died, the last leger of the English nation to 
Rome publicly avowed in that employment. 

46. This year the spire of Paul's steeple, covered Paul's stee. 
vnth lead, strangely fell on fire, attributed by several down. 
persons to sundry causes ^ : some that it was casu- ^ ""® ^^ 
ally blasted with lightning ; others that it was mis- 
chievously done by art magic ; and others, (and they 

the truest,) done by the negligence of a plumber 
carelessly leaving his coals therein. The fire bm*nt 
for five full hours, in which time it melted all the 
lead of the church, only the stone arches escaping 
the fury thereof; but, by the queen's bounty and a 
collection from the clergy, it was afterwards repaired, 

k [See a full account of the bishop's registrar, who penned 

burning of St. Paul's in Strype's it by order of that prelate. See 

Grind. 53 sq., taken from the also Dugdale's History of St. 

narrative of Peter Johnson^ the Paul's, p. 133, ed. 1658.] 


The Church Hiitory 


stickle in 

A. D.I 561. only the blunt tower had not the top thereof sharp- 
^ ened into a spire, as before ^ 

47. A petty rebellion happened in Merton Col- 
lege, in Oxford, (small in itself, great in the conse- 
quence thereof, if not seasonably suppressed,) on this 
occasion : some Latin superstitious hjrmns, formerly 
sung on festivals, had by order of the late warden, 
Dr. Gervays, been abolished, and English psalms 
appointed in their place. Now when Mr. Leach, a 
fellow in the house, on Allhallows'-4ay last had the 
book in his hand ready to begin the psalm, in springs 
one Mr. William Hall, a senior fellow, offering to 
snatch it from him with an intent to cast it into 
the fire, adding moreover that they would " no more 
" dance after his pipe ™.*' This was done in the 
interval of the vacancy of the wardenship; for though 
John Man" was lawfully chosen to the place, yet 
Hall and his popish faction (whereof Mr. Potts, Mr. 

^ [See the letters of the 
queen and the archbishop for 
that purpose, in Wilkins* Cone. 
IV. 226. Strype's Park. 93. 
The queen gave, according to 
Stow, (Chron. p. 357,) a thou- 
sand marks in gold and a thou- 
sand loads of timber towards its 

*" Manuscript Records of 
Cant, in Matthew Parker, p. 

n [He was originally of New 
College, from which he had 
been expelled for heresy, as it 
was then called, in 1540, or 
thereabouts. In 1565 he was 
made dean of Gloucester^ hav- 
ing been appointed warden of 

Merton in 1 562, by the influence 
of archbishop Parker, whose 
chaplain he had been, although 
he had never been a fellow or 
scholar. In 1567 he was sent 
ambassador to Spain, in which 
employment he acquired the 
nickname of Man.goose,in ridi- 
cule of Goose-man, (Guzman,) 
the Spanish ambassador. He 
translated the *' Commonplaces" 
of Wolfg. Musculus, at that 
time a book in so great repute 
as to be required to be used by 
those in holy orders. Man died 
in 1568-9. See Wood's Hist, 
of Univ. an. 1562. Ath. I.366. 
Strype's Park. 228. Ann. I. 



of Britain, 


Benyon, and sir Appleby the leaders) opposed his a. d. 1562. 

admission. And whereas in this house great was the '— 

power of a senior fellow (especially in office) over 
the young scholars, Hall raised such a persecution 
against them, that it was penal for any to be a 

48. Archbishop Parker, hearing hereof, summon- Are curbed 
eth Hall to appear before him, who cared so little bLhopl^s " 
for the same that some of his party plucked off the ^"^'*°^- 
seal from the citation, which was affixed to the gates 

of the college ; whereupon his grace made a solemn May 26. 
Tisitation of that college, wherein all were generally 
examined : Man confirmed warden, Hall justly ex- 
pelled, his party publicly admonished, the young 
scholars relieved, papists curbed and suppressed, 
protestants countenanced and encouraged in the 
whole university. 

49. A parliament® was called, wherein a bill Jan. u. 
passed for the assurance of. certain lands assumed 

by the queen from some bishoprics during their 
vacation P; another for the restitution in blood of 

" Parliament Rolls, quinto 

p [A most iniquitous act^ 
shewing that the queen and 
her ministers cared little for 
the church except to suit their 
political purposes. By virtue 
of this act authority was given 
to the queen^ on the avoidance 
of any archbishopric or bishop- 
ric, to take into her hands any 
of the temporal possessions 
thereof^ recompensing the same 
with parsonages impropriate or 
tithes. As this act passed at 
the commencement of her reign, 
and all the sees were shortly 

after vacated, the queen had 
the opportunity of gratifying 
her courtiers with the best 
episcopal lands and revenues 
throughout England : a species 
of plunder in which she un- 
sparingly indulged^ visiting 
such of the bishops who at- 
tempted to resist such a spo- 
liation with the weight of a 
Tudor s resentment. In lieu 
of what was taken from the 
bishoprics, parsonages, which 
had originally belonged to the 
monasteries, were made over to 
the sees; but many of them 
were burdened vidth decayed 

into Welsh. 

S16 The Church History book ix. 

A. ^- '.563. the children of Thomas Cranmer, late archbishop of 
Canterbury. Here ftun would I be informed by 


children somc Icamed in the law what needed the restoring 
UoodL. of those children, whose father was condemned and 
died only for heresy, which is conceived a personal 
crime, and not tainting the blood ; for although this 
archbishop was first accused of high treason, yet it 
afterwards was waived, and he tried upon heretical 
opinions^. Except any will say, that because not 
solemnly and formally pardoned in majorem cautelamy 
such an act was not amiss, or else done not so 
much for the use of the Uving children as honour 
of their dead father. 
An act for 50. A third bill passed for the translating of the 
the Bible Bible iuto the Welsh tongue, which since the Refor- 
mation may hitherto be said to have been read in 
Latin in their congregations, English being Latin to 
them, as in the most parishes of Wales utterly un- 
understood *. This some years after was performed, 

chancels and ruinoas houses^ hands, and what impropriations 
and with the payment of various and tithes should be granted 
pensions. Tlie tithes also were instead. This commission con- 
collected with great difficulty, sisted exclusively of laymen; 
and, being settled on the crown, that is, church robbers and 
could not be collected by the plunderers.] 
bishops without an express act ' I have read that he was 
for that purpose. See Strype's condemned of treason, (Cromp- 
Annals, I. 96. Archbishop ton's Juris. Courts, fol. 2, b.,] 
Parker, in conjunction vidth which treason was released un- 
four other bishops, offered the to him ; and yet he, saith Ho- 
queen a thousand marks a year linshed, excepted out of the 
during their lives not to use general pardon: intricacies I 
the liberty of this act ; but to understand not. 
no effect, for she appointed a ^ [Richard Davies, bishop 
commission to survey the va- of St. David's, and William 
cant bishoprics, to send certiii- Salisbury, bishop of Man, were 
cates into the exchequer of the employed in 1 565 in translating 
value of their several lands and the Bible into Welsh. Strype's 
revenues, and to consider what Park. 209.] 
she should take into her o^vn 

CENT. XVI. qf Britain. 317 

principally by the endeavours of William Morgan, a. d. 1563. 

doctor of divinity *, afterwards bishop of LlandafF, ~ 

and thence preferred to St. Asaph, but worthy for 
his work of better advancement. 

51. In the convocation now sitting'*, wherein The Thir- 
Alexander Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, was prolocutor, tide^m-' 
the nine and thirty Articles were composed. ForJjJj^J^. 
the main they asree with those set forth in the**®?- 

•^ ° Jan. 29. 

reign of king Edward the Sixth, though in some 
particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judg- 
ments : for instance, in this king's Articles it is said 
that it is to be believed that Christ went dovni to 
hell "to preach to the spirits there*;" which last 
clause is left out in these Articles, and men left to 
a latitude concerning the cause, time, and manner 
of his descent. 

52. Hence some have unjustly taxed the com- why &- 
posers for too much favour extended in their large drawn up 
expressions clean through the contexture of these ^^"^'^ 
Articles, which should have tied men's consciences 

up closer in more strict and particularizing propo- 
sitions, which indeed proceeded from their com- 
mendable moderation. Children s clothes ought to 
be made of the biggest, because afterwards their 
bodies will grow up to their garments. Thus the 
Articles of this English protestant church, in the 
infancy thereof, they thought good to draw up in 
general terms, foreseeing that posterity would grow 
up to fill the same : I mean these holy men did pru- 

t Godwin^ [De Prfiesul. p. the Thirty-Nine Articles were 

613. Stiype's Park. 119.] agreed to, and signed by the 

^ [This convocation was as- bishops. See the acts of this 

sembled on the 12th of Jan. convocation, printed at length 

1563, and on the 16th of the in Wilkins' Cone. IV. 232.] 
same month Nowel was chosen ^ [The words of the article 

prolocutor; and on the 29th are " ad inferos descendisse."] 

318 The Church History jook ix. 

A.D.i563.dently prediscover that differences in judgments 
^ ^' would unavoidably happen in the church, and were 

loath to unchurch any, and drive them off from an 
ecclesiastical communion for such petty differences ; 
which made them pen the Articles in comprehen- 
sive words, to take in all who, differing in the 
branches, meet in the root of the same religion ^. 
Most con- 53 Indeed most of them had formerly been suf- 

fessors who ^ 

compoMd ferers themselves, and cannot be said in compiling 

tlieArti- ^ ° 

cies. these articles (an acceptable service, no doubt) to 

offer to God what cost them nothing y, some having 
paid imprisonment, others exile, all losses in their 
estates, for this their experimental knowledge in 
religion; which made them the more merciful and 
tender in stating those points, seeing such who 
themselves have been most patient in bearing will 
be most pitiful in burdening the consciences of 

English 54. It is observablo these Articles came forth 


and Trent much about the time wherein the Decrees of the 

oontem- Couucil of Trout Were published, truth and false- 

poranes. Jj^q^ starting in some sort both together, though the 

former will surely carry away the victory at long 

running ; many of which Decrees begin with lying, 

and all conclude with cursing, thundering anathemas 

against all dissenters ; whilst these our Articles, like 

the still voice, only plainly express the positive 


The Thir- 55 g^|. ^qjhq uinc voars after, viz. anno 1571, 

ty-nine Ar- J ^ ' 

tides con- the parliament confirmed these Articles so far, that 

firmed by 

^ [They were signed gene- secular priests were afterwards 

rally by the lower house of con- taxed by the Jesuits. See 

vocation, many of whom were Father Parsons' Apologia pro 

Romanists. See Strype's An- Hierarchia, &c., p. 2.] 
nals^ 1. 488. And for this the y 2 Sam. xxiv. 24. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 319 

every clerk should, before the nativity of Christ a. d. 1563. 

next foUov^ing, subscribe the same * ; and hereafter -J 

every person promoted to an ecclesiastical living 
should, within a time prefixed, publicly in the time 
of divine service, read and profess his consent to 
the same, on pain of deprivation ipso facto, if 

5Q. No lay person v^as required to subscribe, no But only 

imposed on 

magistrate, none of the commons, accordmg to the clergymen, 
severity in other places ; for the persecuted church 
of English in Frankfort, in queen Mary her days, 
demanded subscription to their discipline of every 
man, yea, even of v^omen ; and the Scotch, in the 
minority of king James^ exacted it of noblemen, 
gentlemen, and courtiers, vrhich here vras extended 
only to men of ecclesiastical function. Not that 
the queen and state was careless of the spiritual 
good of others, (leaving them to live and believe as 
they list,) but because charitably presuming that 
where parishes were provided of pastors orthodox in 
their judgments, they would, by God's blessing on 
their preaching, work their people to conformity to 
the same opinions. 

Some question there is about a clause in t^®^^^^ 
twentieth Article, whether originally there, or since twentieth 
interpolated. Take the whole Article, according to whether 

., ,.,. ,, ^_ shufHedin 

the common edition thereof * : or no. 

Twentieth Article of the Authority of the Church. 

" The church hath power to decree rites or cere- 
monies, and authority in controversies of faith; 


' See the Statutes, 13 Eliz. cap. 12. ^ P. 98. 

3S0 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1563. " and yet it is not lawful for the church to ordain 
— — ^ " any thing that is contrary to God's word ; neither 
may it so expound one place of scripture, that it 
he repugnant to another. Wherefore, although the 
'* church be a witness and keeper of holy writ, yet, 
as it ought not to decree any thing against the 
same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce 
" any thing to be beheved for necessity of salvation." 

Take along with this the bitter invective of a 
modem minister S who thus layeth it on with might 
and main on the backs of bishops for some un&ir 
practice herein, in an epistle of his written to the 
temporal lords of his majesty's privy council, reck- 
oning up therein fourteen innovations in the church : 

" The prelates, to justify their proceedings, have 
" forged a new article of religion, brought from 
" Rome, (which gives them fiiU power to alter the 
" doctrine and discipline of our church at a blow,) 
" and have foisted it into the twentieth Article of 
" our church. And this is in the last edition of the 
" Articles, anno 1628, in aflfront of his majesty's 
" declaration before them. The clause forged is 
*' this : * The church (that is, the bishops, as they 
" expound it) hath power to decree rites and cere- 
• " monies, and authority in matters of faith.' This 
'* clause is a forgery fit to be examined and deeply 
" censured in the star-chamber 5 for it is not to be 
" found in the Latin or English Articles of Edward 

c Mr. Burton, in his Apo- printed in the year 1637. Re- 
logy. [Quoted from arch- printed in Franklin's Annals, 
bishop Laud's speech in the p. 837. Rushworth's Collec- 
star-chamber, delivered and tions, vol. III. App. p. 116.] 


of Britain, 


**VI- or queen Elizabeth, ratified by parliament, a. d. 1563. 

** And if to forge a will or writing be censurable ^— 

** in the star-chamber, which is but a wrong to a 
private man, how much more the forgery of an 
article of religion, to wrong the whole church, and 
overturn religion, which concerns all our souls." 




57. Such as deal in niceties discover some falter- The ac- 
ing from the truth in the very words of this grand first mis- 
dilator; for the Article saith that the church hath 
authority in controversies of faith. He chargeth 
them with challenging authority in matters of faith. 
Here some difference betwixt the terms ; for matters 

of faith (which all ought to know and believe for 
their souls' health) are so plainly settled by the 
scriptures that they are subject to no alteration by 
the church, which notwithstanding may justly chal- 
lenge a casting voice in some controversies of faith, 
as of less importance to salvation. 

58. But to come to the main matter : this clause The du- 
in question lieth at a dubious posture, at in and out^ ^^l^lf 
sometimes inserted, sometimes omitted, both in our*^"*^"^* 
written and printed copies : 

Inserted in 

The original of the Articles, 
1562-3, as appeareth un- 
der the hand of a public 
notary, whose inspection 
and attestation is only 
decisive in this case. So 
also anno J 593, and anno 
1605, and anno 16 12, all 
which were public and 
authentic editions. 


Omitted in 

The English and Latin Ar- 
ticles set forth 1571, when 
they were first ratified by 
act ; and whose being, as 
obligatory to punishment, 
bears not date nine years 
before, from their compo- 
sition in convocation, but 
henceforward from their 
confirmation in parlia- 

822 The Church HUtory book ix. 

A. D. 1563. And now, to match the credit of priyate authoifi 
^ in some equality, we will weigh Mr. Rogers, chap- 

lain to archbishop Whitgift, inserting this clause 
in his edition, 1595, against Dr. Mocket, chaplain to 
archbishop Abbot, omitting it in his Latin translation 
of our Articles set forth 1617. 
Archbishop 59. Archbishop Laud, in a speech which he made 
opinion in in the star-chambor, inquiring into the cause why 
^"** this clause is omitted in the printed Articles, 1571, 
thus expresseth himself ^ : 



Certainly this could not be done, but by the 
malicious cunning of that opposite &ction; and 
** though I shall spare dead men's names where I 
" have not certainty, yet, if you be pleased to look 
" back and consider who they were that governed 
" businesses in 1571, and rid the church almost at 
their pleasure, and how potent the ancestors of 
these libellers began then to grow, you will think 
" it no hard matter to have the Articles printed, 
" and this clause left out ®." 

I must confess myself not so well skilled in histo* 
rical horsemanship as to know whom his grace de- 
signed for the rider of the church at that time : it 
could not be archbishop Parker, who, though dis- 
creet and moderate, was sound and sincere in press- 
ing conformity; much less was it Grindal, (as yet 
but bishop of London,) who then had but little, and 
never much, influence on church matters. The earl 

d QThis is a most admirable proceedings ever made.] 

speech, and deserves attentive ^ In his Speech, made June 

Serusal. It is one of the best i6th, 1637, p. 65, [and Frank- 

efences of the archbishop's lin, ib. p. 845.] 

CENT. XVI. i>f Britain. 823 

of Leicester could not in this phrase be intended, a. d. 1563. 


who alike minded the insertion or omission of this — — — 
or any other article. As for the nonconformists, 
they were so far at this time from riding the church, 
that then they first began to put foot in stirrup, 
though since they have dismounted those whom 
they found in the saddle. In a word, concerning 
this clause, whether the bishops were faulty in their 
addition, or tlieir opposites in their subtraction, I 
leave to more cunning state- arithmeticians to 

60. One Article more we will request the reader ^'^ ^'?»^« 

*■ to coxmrm 

to peruse, as the subject of some historical debates ^e Homi- 
which thereon doth depend : kingEd- 

ward his 

XXXV. Article of Homilies. 

" The second Booke of Homilies, the severall titles 
" whereof we have joyned under this Article, doth 
** contain a godly and wholsome doctrine, and neces- 
" sary for these times, as doth the former Booke of 
" Homilies which were set forth in the time of 
" Edward the Sixth ; and therefore we judge them 
** to be read in churches by the ministers diligently 
^ and distinctly, that they may be understood of the 



See we here the homilies ranked into two forms : 
the first such as were made in the reign of Edward 
the Sixth, being twelve in number, of which the 
tenth (of obedience to magistrates) was drawn up at 
or about Rett's rebellion, in a dangerous juncture <rf 
time; for, as it is observed of the gingles or St. 
Anthony his fire, that it is mortal if it come once to 

Y 2 

324 The Church HisUny book ix. 

A. D.I 563. clip and encompass the whole body, so, had the 

— I!L- north-east rebels in Norfolk met and imited with 

the south-east rebels in Devonshire, in human ap- 
prehension desperate the consequence of that con- 
As alto 61. The second form of homilies are those com- 

queenEii. poscd iu the roigu of queen Elizabeth, amounting 
^ * to one and twenty, concluding with one against re- 
bellion ; for though formerly there had been one in 
king Edward's days for obedience, yet this was con- 
ceived no superfluous tautology, but a necessary 
gemination of a duty in that seditious age, wherein 
dull scholars needed to have the same lesson often 
taught unto them. 
The iwe of 62. Thev are penned in a plain style, accommo- 

Homilies. *> x x y 

dated to the capacities of the hearers, (being loath 

to say of the readers,) the ministers also being very 

simple in that age. Yet if they did little good, in 

this respect they did no harm, that they preached 

not strange doctrines to their people, as too many 

vent new darknesses in our days ; for they had no 

power to broach opinions, who were only employed 

to deliver that liquor to them which they had 

received from the hands of others better skilled in 

religion than themselves. 

Their an- 63. However, somo behold these homilies as not 

necessity Sufficiently legitimated by this Article to be, for 

question . ^.jj^jj, joctrine, the undoubted issue of the church of 

England, alleging them composed by private men of 
unknown names, who may probably be presumed, at 
the best, but the chaplains of the archbishops under 
whom they were made. Hence is it that some have 
termed them homely homilies, others a popular dis- 


of Britain, 


course *i or a doctrine useful for those times wherein a. d^ 1 563, 

they were set forth. I confess what is necessary in — 

one age may be less needful in another ; but what 
in one age is godly and wholesome doctrine (charac- 
ters of commendation given by the aforesaid Article 
to the homilies) cannot in another age be ungodly 
and unhealthful, as if our faith did follow fashions, 
and truth alter with the times, like Achithophel his 
counsel, though good in itself, yet not at some sea- 
sons^. But some are concerned to decry their 
credits, as much contrary to their judgment, more to 
their practice ; especially seeing the second homily 

^ Mr. Mountague, in his Ap- 
pello Caesarem. [I suppose 
Fuller refers to chap, xxiii. of 
the Appeal, where Mountague 
expresses his opinion as to the 
different degree of authority 
which ought to be attributed 
to the Homilies and the Arti- 
cles. " I willingly admit," he 
says, *' the Homilies, us con. 
** taining certain godly and 
'* wholesome exhortations to 
" move the people to honour 
" and worship Almighty God ; 
** but not as the public dogma- 
** iical resolutions confirmed of 
" the church of England. The 
** xxxvth Article giveth them 
'* to contain * godly and whole- 
" some doctrine, and necessary 
" for these times / which they 
" may do, though they have 
" not dogmatical positions or 
^' doctrine to be propugned and 
•' subscribed in all and every 
•* point, as the Books of Arti- 
** cles and of Common Prayer 
•' have.*' Then, after compar- 
ing the Book of Articles and 
of Homilies respectively to 
the dogmatical and exhortatory 

writings of the early fathers, 
he adds, " We may do well, 
" then, to consider why, where- 
" fore, when, and to what man- 
" ner of men these popular ser- 
" monsweremade and do speak, 
" and not press every passage 
" hand over head for ad van- 
'* tage." That Mountague's 
judgment is in accordance with 
the church of England is clear, 
not only from the words of the 
xxxvth Article already quoted, 
but also from the concluding 
passage of it; for if the Ho- 
milies were not intended for 
merely temporary purposes and 
the then state of the church, 
the clergy are certainly not jus- 
tified in neglecting to read them 
in churches, as enjoined by the 
Article ; if, therefore, it is to 
be taken in its stringent sense 
in one part, it must also in the 

Fuller glances evidently at 
Mountague throughout this 
paragraph, but has either mis- 
taken or misrepresented the 

g 2 Sam. xvii. 

Y 3 


The Church History 







A.D. is^ the second book stands with s sponge la oxie hand 
-i — ^ to wipe out all pictures, and a hammer in the oiber 
to beat down all images of God and saint49 ereoted 
in churches ; and therefore such use these homilies 
as an upper garment, girting them close unto or 
casling them from them at pleasure, allowing and 
alleging them when consenting, denying and dis- 
claiming them when opposite to their practice fn 

64, The religion in England being settled accord- 
ing to these Aifticles^ which soon after were pub- 
lished, the first papist that fell foul upon them was 
William Rastall, nephew to sir Thomas More by 
Elizabeth his sister, and a great lawyer. Yet we 
believe not him ^ that telleth us he was one of the 
two chief justices, as knowing the contrary*. How- 
ever, he was very knowing in our common law; 
witness his collections of statutes and comments 
thereon, with other works in that faculty. But this 
veteranus Juris consultus was via? tyro iheologus, shew- 
ing rather zeal to the cause than ability to defend it 
in those books which he set forth against bishop 
Jewel ^. 

65. No eminent English protestant died this year, 
but great grief among the Romanists for the loss of 
Dr. Richard Smith, king's professor of divinity in 

The death 
of Dr. 


^ Pitzaeus de Scriptor. pag. 

* See sir Henry Spelman bis 
Glossary in Judic, 

k [Fuller has followed Pitts 
in a great error. Jewel's ad- 
versary was John Kastell, a 
Jesuit, and not William Ras- 
tell» the nephew of sir Thomas 

More. The latter was made 
one of the justices of the com- 
mon pleas in the reign of queen 
Mary, but fled to Louvain at 
the accession of queen Eliza- 
beth, where be died in the year 
1565. See Wood's Ath.'pp. 
i47» 30^- Mori Hist. Soc. 
Jesu, p. 18.] 

CJENT. XVI. of Britain. 827 

Oxford till outed by Peter Martyr; whereupon he^-^-^s^s 

forsook the land, returned in the reign of queen -- 

Mary, went back after her death into the Low 
Countries, where he was made dean of St. Peter's in 
Douay, and appointed by king Philip the Second 
first divinity professor in that new-erected univer- 
sity. His party much complain that his strong parts 
were disadvantaged with so weak sides and low 
voice * ; though indeed too loud his railing against 
the truth, as appears by his books. 

66. The English bishops, conceiving themselves The ori- 
empowered by their canons, began to shew their ^j^t^ 
authority in urging the clergy of their diocese to 
subscribe to the liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline 

of the church ; and such as refused the same were 
branded with the odious name of puritans *°. 

67. A name which in this notion first began inThehomo- 
this year, and the grief had not been great if it had S^teim 
ended in the same. The philosopher banisheth the 

term, (which is polyscemon^ that is subject to several 
senses out of the predicaments, as aflfording too 
much covert for cavil by the latitude thereof. On 
the same account could I wish that the word 'puritan 
were banished common discourse, because so various 
in the acceptions thereof. We need not speak of 
the ancient cathari^ or primitive puritans, sufficiently 
knovni by their heretical opinions. Puritan here 
was taken for the opposers of the hierarchy and 
church-service, as resenting of superstition. But 
profane mouths quickly improved this nickname, 

1 Pitzseus de Ang, Script* formity to the queen's injunc- 

pag. 76^. tions and the statute of uni- 

^ [Not upon the authority formity. It was a mere state^ 

of their canons^ but in con- interference.} 

Y 4 


The Church History 


A.D. 156.1. therewith on every occasion to abuse pious people, 

some of them so far from opposing the liturgy that 

they endeavoured (according to the instructions 
thereof in the preparative to the confession) to 
accompany the minister with a pure heart, and 
laboured (as it is in the absolution) for a life pure 
and holy. We will therefore decline the word, to 
prevent exceptions, which, if casually slipping from 
our pen, the reader knoweth that only nonconformists 
are thereby intended. 

68. These, in this age, were divided into two 
ranks " : some mild and moderate, contented only 
to enjoy their own conscience; others fierce and 
fiery, to the disturbance of church and state. 
Amongst the former I recount the principal, father 
John Fox, (for so queen Elizabeth termed him,) 
summoned, as I take it, by archbishop Parker to 
subscribe, that the general reputation of his piety 
might give the greater countenance to conformity. 

Mr. Fox a 

" [See Strype's Griiidal, 
book I. chap. xii. Fox could 
hardly be called a nonconform- 
ist. He differed from the 
church of England in some 
points, but never separated 
himself from its communion. 
He asserted that the Book of 
Common Prayer was produced 
*• through the aid of the Holy 
'* Ghost." Acts II. 660. He 
further observes that no one 
rejected it but ** old popish 
*' curates, by whose cloaked 
*' contempt, wilful winking, and 
" stubborn disobedience, the 
** Book of the Common Prayer 
" was, long after the publishing 
** thereof, either not known at 
'* all, or else very irreverently 

" used through many places of 
" the realm." lb. II. 663. How 
would the old martyrologist 
have been horrified to have 
seen the descendants of the 
self-righteous puritans adopt- 
ing the rags of popery, as he 
irreverently called them ! how 
much more to have found him- 
self classed among a race of 
men of whom he has left this 
testimony on record, " Video 
*' enim suboriri quoddam ho- 
'* minum genus qui si invales- 
" cant, viresque in hoc regno 
'* coUigant piget hie referre 
'' quid futurae perturbationis 
" praesagit mihi animus." See 
Sect. III. §. 15.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 829 

The old man produced the New Testament in a. d. 1564. 
ftreek : " To this," saith he, « will I subscribe." But ^^^' 
when a subscription to the canons was required of 
him, he refused it, saying, " I have nothing in the 
"church save a prebend at Salisbury, and much 
" good may it do you if you will take it away from 
" me." However, such respect did the bishops 
(most formerly his fellow-exiles) bear to his age, 
parts, and pains, that he continued his place till the 
day of his death; who, though no friend to the 
ceremonies, was otherwise so devout in his carriage, 
that (as his nearest relation surviving hath informed 
me) he never entered any church without expressing 
solemn reverence therein. 

69. With Mr. Fox I join his dear friend Lawrence And Dr. 
Humphrey, whom I should never have suspected for Humphrey. 
inclinations to nonconformity, (such his intimacy 
with Dr. Jewel and other bishops,) had I not read 
in my author that " de adiaphoris non juxta cum 
" ecclesia Anglicana senserit ®." He was regius 
professor of divinity in Oxford, where his answers 
and detenfainations were observed quick, clear, and 
solid, but his replies and objections weak and slen- 
der, which his auditors imputed to no lack of learn- 
ing, wherewith he was well stored, but to his unwil- 
lingness to furnish his popish adversaries with strong 
arguments to maintain their erroneous opinions. But 
such his quiet carriage, that notwithstanding his 
nonsubscribing, he kept his professor's place and 
deanery of Winchester as long as he lived. 

o Camden's Elizabeth, in " this loose gown becomes you 

anno 1589. [Referring to his ** well, and therefore I wonder 

puritanism^ the queen said to *•' that you are so straight- 

him^ when she beheld him in " laced in your theological 

his doctor's dress, at her visit " opinions." Wood's Hist, of 

to Oxford, •' Domine doctor, the Univ. an. 1566.] 


The Church History 




A. D. 1564. 70. Pass we now to the fierce (not to saj furious) 

!!l— . sticklers against church-discipline p, and begin with 

oiiby r^ Anthony Gilby, bom in Lincolnshire, bred in Christ's 
^^^."* College in Cambridge. How fierce he was against 
the ceremonies, take it from his own pen ^ : " They 
" are known liveries of Antichrist, accursed leaven 
" of the blasphemous popish priesthood, cursed 
patches of popery and idolatry ; they are worse 
than lousy, for they are sibbe to the sark of 
" Hercules, that made him tear his own bowels 
" asunder." 
AndWii- 71. William Whittingham succeeds, bred in All 
tingham. Souls CoUoge iu Oxford, afterwards exile in Ger- 
many, where he made a preface to Mr. Goodman 
his book, approving the divinity therein ; and, re- 
turning into England, was made dean of Durham '. 
And ciiris- 72. Christopher Goodman is the third ; and well 
Ooodi^n. it were if it might be truly said of him, what rf 
Probus the emperor, that he was vir sui nominis. 
Sure it is that, living beyond the seas in the days 
of queen Mary, he wrote a book stuffed with much 
dangerous doctrine * ; wherein he maintained that 
" sir Thomas Wyat was no traitor ' ; that his cause 
" was God's : that none but traitors could accuse 
** him of treason ; and that the counsellors and 
" others who would be accounted nobles, and took 
•' not his part, were in very deed traitors to God, 

P [See Strype's Grindal, p. 

q Pag. 150. 

^ Bale, Cent. IX. p. 731. 
[He versified several psalms, 
signed W. W. in Sternhold's 

8 [Printed at Geneva, by 
John Crispin, 1558. i2mo. A 
copious extract from this book, 

and some account of its author, 
will be found in Strype's An- 
nals, I. 123, 126. Goodman 
afterwards made a kind of 
recantation » which has been 
printed by Strype, ib. 1 2.5.] 

t ['^ How superior Powers 
" ought to be obeyed of their 
'* Subjects," &c^] pp. 203, 206, 

CKNT. XVI. of Britain, 831 

^* his people, and their country." These three (for a. i>. 1564- 

David Whitehead I have no mind to mention with '— 

them) were certainly the antesignani of the fierce 
nonconformists ". Yet find I none of them solemnly 
silenced, either because perchance dead before this 
year, (wherein the vigorous urging of subscription,) 
or because finding some favour in respect of their 
suffering of banishment for the protestant religion. 
Only I meet with Thomas Samson, dean of Christ 
Church in Oxford, qui propter puritanismum ea^havr- 
tkoratm ^, displaced this year out of his deanery ^, 
notwithstanding the said Samson stands very high in 
Bale his catalogue of the English exiles in the reign 
of queen Mary. 

78. Queen Elizabeth came to Oxford, honourably tTiequeen'* 
attended with the earl of Leicester, lord chancellor mem at 
of the university, the marquis of Northampton, the^^g^'j 
lord Burleigh, the Spanish ambassador, &c. Here 
she was entertained with the most stately welcome 
which the Muses could make. Edmund Campion, 
then proctor, (oratory being his masterpiece,) well 
performed his part, only over-flattering Leicester y, 
(enough to make a modest man s head ache with 
the too sweet flowers of his rhetoric,) save that the 
earl was as willing to hear his own praise as the 
other to utter it. Her highness was lodged in Christ 
Church, where many comedies were acted before 

^ Note that these three were 1567 Samson was still preach- 
active in the separation from ing in London, without wear- 
Frankfort. Vide supra, book ing the habits. Strype's Grind. 
IX. p. 9. p. 116.] 

▼ Godwin de Praesul. p. . y (^This oration is printed in 

[Hewas removed by archbishop Campion's Opuscula, p. 330, 

Parker. Wood's A th. I. 239.] ed. 1631. Antv.] 

^ [Yet it appears that in 

832 The Church History book ix. 

-A- 1^- "564- her ; one whereof (Palaemon and Arcyte ') had a tra- 

gical end, three men being slain by the fall of a 

wall and press of people *. Many acts were kept 
before her in philosophy, and one most eminent in 
divinity, wherein bishop Jewel (this year in his 
absence created honorary doctor) was moderator. It 
lasted in summer-time till candles were lighted, 
delight devouring all weariness in the auditors ; when 
the queen, importuned by the lords, (the Spanish 
ambassador, to whom she proffered it, modestly de- 
clining the employment,) concluded all with this 
her Latin oration : 

Her high- " Qui male agit, odit lucem, et ego quidem quia 
to the uni- " nihil aliud nisi male agere possimi, idcirco odi 
▼ersity. <j lucom, id est, conspectum vestrum. Atque sane 
me magna tenet dubitatio, dum singula considero 
quae hie aguntur, laudemne an vituperem, taceamne 
an eloquar. Si eloquar, patefaciam vobis quam 
" sim literarum rudis ; tacere autem nolo, ne defec- 
" tus videatur esse contemptus. Et quia tempus 
" breve est quod habeo ad dicendum, idcirco omnia 
** in pauca conferam, et orationem meam in duas 
'* partes dividam, in laudem et vituperationem. Laus 
" autem ad vos pertinet. Ex quo enim primum 
" Oxoniam veni, nmlta vidi, multa audivi, probavi 
" omnia. Erant enim et prudenter facta, et ele- 
" ganter dicta. At ea quibus in prologis vos ipsi 
" excusastis, neque probare ut Regina possum, neque 
*' ut Christiana debeo. Cseterum quia in exordio 
" semper adhibuistis cautionem, mihi sane ilia dis- 
ss [" Made by master Ed- Wood's Ath. I. 151.] 
" wards, of the queen's cha- » Stow's Chron. p. 660. 
*• pel." Stow's Chron. p. 660. [Wood, ib.] 


of Britain, 


" putatio non displicuit. Nunc venio ad alteram a. d. 1564. 

" partem, nempe vituperationem, atque haec pars 1- 

" mihi propria est. Sane fateor parentes meos dili- 
" gentissime curasse ut in bonis Uteris recte insti- 
•* tuerer, et quidem in multarum linguarum varietate 
" diu versata fui, quarum aliquam mihi cognitionem 
" assume : quod etsi vere tamen verecunde dice. 
" Habui quidem multos et doctos psedagogos, qui ut 
** me eruditam redderent, diligenter elaborarunt. 
" Sed paedagogi mei posuerunt operam in agro sterili 
" et infoecundo, ita fructus percipere vix poterant, 
" aut dignitate mea, aut illorum laboribus, aut vestra 
" expectatione dignos. Quamobrem etsi omnes vos 
" me abunde laudastis, ego tamen, quae mihi conscia 
** sum, quam sim nulla laude digna facile agnosco. 
" Sed finem imponam orationi meaj barbarismis 
** plense, si prius optavero, et votum unum addidero. 
" Votum meum hoc erit, ut me vivente sitis floren- 
" tissimi, me mortua beatissimi ^'' 

Thus, having stayed seven days, she took her 
leave of the university, Mr. Williams the mayor 
riding in scarlet before her majesty to Magdalen 
bridge ; but the doctors attending her in their for- 
mialities as far as Shotover. 

^ This speech was taken by 
Dr. Lawrence Humphrey, and 
by him printed in the Life of 
Bishop Jewel, p. 244. [Re- 
printea also by Anthony Wood, 
as below. Thisvisit of the queen 
has been antedated two years, 
and ought to have been referred 
to the year 1 566. See Wood's 
Hist, of the University under 

that year. Whether Fuller was 
mistaken in the chronology of 
this period, or in that of the 
commencement of the next sec« 
tion, I cannot tell, as the dates 
are very carelessly printed in 
the old edition. I have endea- 
voured to correct them care- 
fully throughout, not without 
much trouble.] 




Some conceive that to be pressed to death {the ptmishment on 
recusants to submit to legal trial) is the greatest torment in 
the world. God keep all good msn from feeling ^ and chiefly 
from deserving it, I am the easier induced to believe the 
exqtdsiteness of the torture^ being sensible in myself by your 
bounty^ what a burden it is for one^ who would be ingenu- 
ous^ to be loaded with courtesies which he ka& not the least 
hope to requite or deserve. 

a [Arms. Argent, a chevron 
between three hawks' heads 
erased^ azure. 

A dedication to this gentle- 
man is prefixed to the account 
of the tribe of Simeon in the 
Pisgah Sight, (Map, p. 224,) 
where his arms are tricked with 
his proper quarterings. " Wil- 
*' helmo Honywood, armigero, 
" e familia, non generosa minus 
'* quam numerosa oriundo, cu- 
" jus mellito nomini,suavissimi 
" mores conveniunt, amico suo 
" Optimo, tabulam banc, gra- 
** tiarum ergo destinat, T. F.** 

He was the second son of sir 
ThomasJ Honeywood, knight, 
of Evington, Kent, and Jane, 
daughter of Edward Hales, of 
Tenterden, esq. In 1639 ^^ 
was sheriff of London, and 
died in 1669, ^g^d eighty-one. 
Hasted's Kent, iii. 309. I have 
not been able to discover whe- 
ther he was ever married, but 
it seems not. His kinsmen, 
sir Robert and sir Thomas 
Honeywood, were violent es- 
pousers of the parliamentary 
cause. See Morant*s Essex, 
II. 168.] 

CKNT. xvL The Church History of Britain, 335 

__P|'N this year began the suit betwixtA.D. 1565. 
STi'l Robert Home, bishop ofWinchester, _LJ!i_ 
j and Edmund Bonner, late bishop ofb^^'" 
London, on this occasion: All l>'shop8^^^^^ 
were empowered, by the statute gwmfo Bonner. 
Elizaietha ^ to tender the oath of supremacy to all 
persons living within their diocese"^. Now bishop 
Bonner was within the diocese of Winchester full ill 
against his will, (as being a prisoner in the Mar- 
shalsea, in Southwark,) to whom Home offered this 
oath, and he refused the taking thereof*'. Here- 

b [5 Ellis, c. I, e. $.'] been singled out for yiersecu- 

' ^ThiH was the celebrated tion, (for the rest of the popish 

oath of BUpremacy enforced by clergy were not troubled by 

parliament in the spring of the oath at first,) I cannot 

1563, which all archbishops and divine. He was at that time 

bishops were empowered to a prisoner in the Marshiilsea, 

administer to their clergy. If in Southwark, and thus within 

any refused to take it, the thejurisdiction of bishop Home 

bishop administering the oath against his will. He could 

was to certify this refusal into hardly be said to come within 

the King's Bench within forty the scope of the act, for he 

. days ; and if within three was surely not one of Home's 

months the parties still refused, clergy. He must therefore have 

they were subject to all the been subjected to this penalty, 

same penalties as for cases of in order either to strike terror 

high treason. Strype's Park, into the Romanists, (for Bonner 

p. 114. Various perBons (to had by far the most courage of 

their honour be it spoken) them all,) or to gratify the party 

ai^ned against this act ; and if with whom Home was not po* 

we may trust Strype, the arch- pular. However it might be, I 

bishop himself was extremely cannot but reckon this a very 

averse to enforcing it. lb. p. needless piece of torment, of 

135. But the qaeen and her which the archbishop would 

council drove him on against never have been guilty. But 

hia will, taunting him with Home, who does not seem to 

being too soft and easy ; the have been naturally a man of 

■tate thus shewing, as in the amiable temper, and was twit- 

prerious reign, no love for the ted by both papist and puritan, 

church, except so for aa the (Fuller's Worthies, I. 48a,) 

church might serve to promote might wish to shew bis sin- 

itscrue>andimperiouBdesigns.] cerity, by this display of zeal 

d [Why Bonner should have against Bonner.] 

386 The Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1565. upon his refusal was returned into the King's Bench, 
— — and he indicted on the same. Being indicted, he 

appeared there, confessed the fact, but denied him- 
self culpable, and, intending to traverse the indict- 
ment, desired that counsel might be assigned him. 
Sir Robert Cateline, then chief justice, granted his 
motion ; and no meaner than Plowden, that eminent 
lawyer, Christopher Wray, (afterwards lord chief 
justice,) and [William] Lovelace, were deputed his 
counsel ®. 
Bonner his 2. First, they pleaded for their client that Bonner 


their first was iudictcd without the title and addition of bishop 

^ ' of London, and only styled doctor of law, and one in 
holy orders ; but the judges would not allow the 
exception as legal, to avoid the indictment. 

Second ex. 3. Sccoudly, they pleaded that the certificate 
entered upon record was thus brought into the 
court, tali die et anno per A, B. cancellarium dicti 
episcopi Winton. and did not say per mandatum 
episcopi ; for the want of which clause Bonner his 
counsel took exceptions thereat, sed non allocatur^ 
because the record of it by the court is not of 

Main mat- 4- Pass wc by their third exception, that he was 

ter debated 

by the iudictcd upou that certificate in the county of Mid- 
judges. dlesex by the common jury of inquest in the King's 
Bench for that county; it being resolved by the 
judges that his trial could not be by a jury of Mid- 
dlesex, but by a jury of Surrey, of the neighbourhood 
of Southwark. The main matter which was so much 
debated amongst all the judges in the lord Cateline 
his chamber was this : 

*[See also the account of this trial in Strype, Annals, 1. 378.] 

CJENT. XVI. of Britain. 387 

" Whether Bonner could give in evidence of that a. d. 1566. 
^ issue that he had pleaded of not guilty, that ^ 
** Home, bishop of Winchester, was not a bishop 
*^ tempore oblationis sacramenti at the time wherein 
" he tendered the oath unto Bonner." 

And it was resolved by them all, that if the truth 
of the matter was so indeed,, that he might give that 
in evidence upon that issue, and that the jury might 
tiy whether he was a bishop then or no ^. 

5. Whilst this suit as yet depended, the queen called Divided by 
a parliament, which put a period to the controversy, men^ 
and cleared the legality of Home his episcopacy, in 

a statute ^ enacting '^ That all parsons that have been 
** or shall be made, ordered, or consecrate, arch- 
^ bishops, bishops, priests, ministers of God's holy 
" word and sacraments, or deacons after the form ** 
" and order prescribed in the said order and form 
" how archbishops, bishops, priests, deacons, and 
^ ministers should be consecrated, made, and or^ 
" dered, be in very deed, and also by authority 
" hereof, declared and enacted to be, and shall be,. 
^' archbishops, bishops^ priests, ministers, and deacons^ 
" and rightly made, ordered, and consecrated : any 
** statute, law, canon, or other thing to the coiitrary 
" notwithstanding." 

6. However it immediately followeth, " Provided a favoop- 

able pco^ 

" always, and nevertheless be it enacted by the au- Wso* 
^ thority ^foresaid,, that no parson, or pajrsons shall 

^ Dyer, fol, 234. Mich. 6 6 of Edw. VI. c. i. But this 

et 7. £l]z. placito 1 5. act^ sanctioning the late episco-i 

B [Eliz. c. I .] pal appointments, was passed 

b [That 18, the form of con- five years after the first movn 

secration in the Common Prayer ing of the controversy between 

Book sanctioned by stat. ^ and Home and Bonner.] 

rULLE^, VOL.. IV^ % 

888 The Church Historic book rx^ 

A. D. 1567. « at any time hereafter be impeached or molested in 

^ ^^ body, lands, livings, or goods, by occasion or mean 

« of any certificate, by any archbishop or bishop 
" heretofore made, or before the last day of this 
" present session of parliament ta be made, by virtue 
*' of any act made in the first session of parliam^it, 
" touching or concerning the refusal of the oath 
** declared and set forth by act of parliament in the 
" first year of the reign of our said sovereign kidy 
" queen Elizabeth : any thing in this act or any 
" other act or statute heretofore made to the con- 
** trary notwithstanding." 
Their suit 7. The Seasonable interposing of this statute 

superseded. x o 

made it a drawn battle betwixt Home and Bonner^ 
The former part thereof, here alleged, cleared Home 
his episcopacy from all cavils of law; the latter 
proviso was purposely inserted in favour of Bonner, 
(who here himself found that which he never shewed 
to others,) that he, as all other popish bishops de« 
prived, might be no more molested for refiising the 
oath of supremacy. The parliament saw they had 
already lost their livelihood and liberties for their 
erroneous consciences, and had received their thirty- 
nine stripes, more than which the state thought not 
fit to inflict, lest their justice should degenerate into 
Malice g. The cnactinff of this statute did not stop the 

pleased nor ^ ^ '■ 

full nor railing mouths of papists against our bishops, but 
"* * ^ only made them alter their note and change their 
tune in reviling them. Formerly they condemned 
them as illegal, whose calling was not suflSciently 
warranted by the laws of the land ; henceforward 
Sanders and others railed on them for parliamentary 
bishops, deriving all their power and commission 

CXMT. X.VI. of Britain. 889 

from the state ^ But as well might the Jesuits tenn a. d. 1567. 

Shemaiah, Nethaniah, prerogative Levites \ because !l— 

sent by Jehoshaphat to preach the word to the people 
of the land ; for that good king did not give, but 
quicken and encourage their commission to teach, as 
here the parliament did only publish, notiiy, and 
declare the legal authority of the English bishops, 
whose call and consecration to their place was for- 
merly performed, derived from apostolical, or at 
leastwise ecclesiastical institution. 

9. These were the prime of the first set of puri- The ring- 
tans, which, being very aged, expired for the mostl^^d 
part at or about this time, when behold another ^^^^. 
generation of active and zealous nonconformists suc- 
ceeded them. Of these Coleman, Button, Haling- 

ham, and Benson, (whose Christian names I cannot 
recover,) were the chief, inveighing against the esta- 
blished church discipline, accounting every thing 
from Rome which was not from Geneva, endeavour- 
ing in all things to conform the government of the 
English church to the presbyterian reformation. 
Add these three more, though of inferior note to 
the aforesaid quaternion: William White, Thomas 
Rowland, Robert Hawkins, all beneficed within the 
diocese of London, and take a taste of their spirits 
out of the register thereof 

10. For this very year these three were cited to Their judg- 
appear before Edmund Grindal, bishop of London, the queen. 
one who did not run of himself ; yea, would hardly 
answer the spur in pressing conformity. The bishop 

asked them this question : 

" Have we not a godly prince ? Speak, is she 

' evil ^ r 

• De Schism. Ang. pag. 349. J 2 Chron. xvii. 8. 

z 21 


The Church History 


A. D. 1567. To which thev made their several answers, in 

8 EHs. ' 

I I manner following : 

William White. " What a question is that the 
** fruits do shew." 

Thomas Rowland. " No, but the servants of God 
are persecuted under her." 

Robert Hawkins. *^Why, this question the pro- 
phet may answer in the Psalms: How can they 
have understanding that work iniquity y spoiling my. 
people^ and that extol vanity ^ f" 
Wonder not, therefore, if the queen proceeded 
severely against some of them, commanding them to 
be put into prison, though still their party daily 
Tiw death n. Nicholas Wotton died this year, dean at the 

of Dr. Wot- , ^ 

ton. same time of Canterbury and York ; so that these 

two metropolitan churches, so often contesting about 
their privileges, were reconciled in his preferment. 
He was doQtor of both, laws, and some will say of 





^ The Register of London, 
P' 33* [The full title of this 
rare and curious book is as 
follows : " Put of a Register 
" containing sundry memorable 
" Matters written by divers 
'^ godly and learned in our 
'' time, which stand for and 
^^ desire the Reformation of 
^ our Church in Discipline and 
*' Ceremonies, according to the 
" pure Word of God and the 
**^^ Law of our Land.** No 
printer's n^me ; np date, l^t 
was probably printed about the 
year 1586, but certainly never 
liipensed ; ixstt it contains fbitty- 
two tracts written against the 
bishops and the discipline of 
ih^e church, some oi^ whiph, were 

forbidden to be printed : as 
" The Unlawful Practice of 
" Prelates." by J. Penry. It 
is the most important collection 
of tracts, for displaying the 
temper and doctrine of the 
earlier puritans, of any ever 
formed^ and furnishes unsus- 
picious evidence on these topics 
—that of the parties them- 

1 [A detailed account of this 
conference is given by Strype, 
ia his Life of Gbrindal, p. 1 14^ 
sq. It is extremely character, 
isliic of these despisers of 
dominion ajid evil speakers 
against dignities. Their Chris- 
tian names will be found in 
3trype, ibid. 1,3.6.]. 

tJENt. XVI. 

"of Britain. 


both gospels, who, being privy ceunseUor to king a. d. 1567. 
Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, queen Mary, ■■■'■■ 
and queen Elizabeth, never overstrained his con- 
science, such his oily compliance in all alterations. 
However, he was a most prudent man, and happily 
active in those many embassies wherein he was em- 
ployed ^. 

12. The Romanists were neither ignorant not to Harding 
observe, nor idle not to improve, the advantage 3":^ bSp 
lately given them by the discords betwixt the bishops JanS.^**^" 
und nonconformists; and now, to strengthen their 
party, two most active fugitive priests (Thomas Har- 
ding and Nicholas Saunders) return into England, 
and that episcopal power which they had lately 
received from the pope they largely exercised on 
the papists : 

i. Absolving all English in the court of con- 
iscience who returned to the bosom of their church. 

ii. Dispensing with them in cases of irregularity, 
^ving such which proceeded from wilful murder. 

iii. Even from irregularity of heresy, on condition 



™ [Lloyd says of him, in his 
strange bantering way, '* This 
** was that rare man that was 
" made for all business, so dex- 
" terous ! This ti^as he that 
was made for all times, so 
complying ! This was he 
" who lived doctor of both 
•* laws^ and died -doctor of both 
** gospels^ the protestant which 
"had the statesman's part of 
" this man, and the popish 
^ which had the Christian. 
** Noah had two faces, (being 
" called BiFrons,) because he 
" was a son of the old world 
*' before the flood, and a father 

" of the new after. Wotton 
" sure had four faiths, who 
** was a favourite in king 
** Henry's days, of the council 
" in king Edward's, of the 
'^ junctb*s in queen Mary's, 
" and the second statesman in 
" queen Elizabeth's." Onething 
this author adds, which is not 
of much weight, that Dr, Wot- 
ton, as being dean of Canter, 
bury and the best civilian of 
the time, by admitting Dr. Par- 
ker to that see, must have re- 
-cognised the legality of the 
archbishop's consecration. State 
Worthies, I. 122.] 


842 The Church History book ix. 

^' ^w^' ^^^ ^^® party to be absolved refrained three years 

from the ministry of the altar ". 

Very earnest they were in advancing the catholic 
cause, and perverted very many to their own erro- 
neous opinions. 

Queen oi 13. Mary queen of Scots, ill-used at home by her 

Soots comes i • i i . t^ i i -i 

intoEng- owu subjocts, made an escape into iLnglana, and 
May 1 7. landed at Wirkington in Cumberland; the state part 
of whose sufferings we leave to civil historians, con- 
fining ourselves to the imprinted passages concerning 
religion, beginning with her letter to the pope : 

" Most holy Father <>, 
Nov. 30, « After the kissing of your most holy feet, I 
" having been advertised that my rebels and their 
^ fautours that retain them in their countries have 
** wrought so effectually by their practices, that it 
** hath been related unto the king of Spain, my lord 
" and good brother, that I am become variable in 
" the catholic religion, although I have within some 
" days past written to your holiness, devoutly to kiss 
" your feet, and recommending me unto you, I do 
** now again most humbly beseech you to hold me 
" for a most devout and a most obedient daughter 
** of the holy catholic Roman church, and not to 
" give faith unto those reports which may easily 
" come, or shall hereafter come to your ears, by 
" means of the false and calumnious speeches which 
*' the said rebels and other of the same sect have 
" caused to be spread abroad, that is to say, that I 

A Camd. £liz. in this year. stowed on me by James 

o Her letter to pope Pius [Usher,] archbishop of Ar- 

Quintus, (hitherto never print, magh. Translated out of the 

ed,) the copy whereof was, Italian. [It is printed in Gate- 

with many other rarities, be- na's Life of Pius V., p. 301.] 

tEUT. XVI. nf' Britain. 348 

**liave changed my religion, thereby to deprive me a. 0.1568. 

" of your holiness' grace, and the favour of other -! — 

** catholic princes. The same hath touched my heart 
** so much, tliat I could not fail to write again of 
" new to your holiness, to complain and bemoan 
** myself of the wrongs and of the injuries which 
they do unto me. I beseech the same most 
hxmibly to be pleased to write in my favour to the 
'* devout Christian princes and obedient sons of your 
" holiqess, exhorting them to interpose their credit 
^' and authority which they have with the queen of 
** England, in whose power I am, to obtain of her 
** that she will let me go out of her country, whither 
^' I came, secured by her promises, to demand aid of 
^ her agsunst my rebels ; and if nevertheless she 
" will retain me, by all means yet that she will 
" permit me to exercise my religion, which hath 
** been forbidden to me, for which I am grieved and 
^ vexed in this kingdom, insomuch as I will give you 
*^ to understand what subtleties my adversaries have 
used to colour these calumniations against me. 
They so vn-ought that an English minister was 
sometimes brought to the place where I am straitly 
kept, which was wont to say certain prayers in the 
vulgar tongue ; and because I am not at my own 
•* liberty, nor permitted to use any other religion, I 
have not refused to hear him, thinking I had com- 
mitted no error. Wherein nevertheless, most holy 
" father, if I have offended or failed in that or any 
** thing else, I ask misericm^dia of your holiness, 
** beseeching the same to pardon and to absolve 
" me, and to be sure and certain that I have never 
** bad any other vrill than constantly to live the most 
•* devout and most obedient daughter of the holy 

z 4 



844 The Church History Book i:^. 

A. D. 1568." catholic Roman church, in which I will live and 

*• die according to your holiness' advices and pre- 

** cepts. I offer to make such amends and penance 
" that all catholic princes, especially your holiness, 
^* as monarch of the world, shall have occasion to 
** rest satisfied and contented with me. In the mean 
•* time I will devoutly kiss your holiness' feet, praying 
God long to conserve the same for the benefit of 
his holy church. 

Written from Castle Bolton p, the last of No- 
** vember, 1568. 

^* The most devout and obedient 
" Daughter to your Holiness, 
" The Queen of Scotland, Widow of Prance, 

« Maria." 

1 meet not with the answer which his holiness 
returned unto her, and for the present leave this 
lady in safe custody, foreseeing that this her ex- 
change of letters with foreign princes, and the pope 
especially, vrill finally cause her destruction. 
ITm death 14. Thomas Young, archbishop of York, died at 
Young, Sheffield, and was buried in his own cathedral. He 
rfYw^ plucked down the great hall at York, built by Tho- 
mas, his predecessor, five hundred years before ; so 
June a6. far did plumbi sacra fames (desire to gain by the 
lead) prevail with him. Yet one presumeth to 
avouch that all that lead in effect proved but dross 
unto him, being in fine defeated of the profit 
thereof^. He was the first protestant English bishop 
that died in the days of queen Elizabeth *". 

P The lord Scroop his hoUse 23 1 , See a further account of 

in Yorkshire, where sir Francis him in Wood*8 Athen. I. 696.] 

Knowles was her keeper. ^ [His conduct, to all appear. 

q Sir J. Harrington^ t^I. p. ance, was not very commend- 


of Britain. 


15, Thomas Piercy, earl of Northumberland, and a. d. 1560. 
C^iarles Neviil, earl of Westmoreland, brake out into '*. 
t)])en wbellion against the queen ; lords of right noble uon of thJ 
extraction and large revenue, whose titles met with North^m- 
their estates in the northern parts, and indeed the ^ria^^d and 


height of their honour was more than the depths land. 
of their judgment. These intended to restore the 
Romish religion, set free the queen of Scots, pre- 
tending much zeal for the liberty of the people and 
honour of the nation, complaining of queen Elizabeth 
her neglect of the ancient nobility, and advancing 
mean persons to the places of 'highest trust and 
command ; though indeed, could she have made her 
noblemen wise, as she did her wise men noble, these 
earls had never undertaken this rebellion. Nume- 
rous their tenants in the north, and their obligations 
the higher for the low rent they paid ; though now, 
Alas ! poor souls, they paid a heavy fine, losing their 
iives in the cause of their landlords ^. 

16. Their first valout was to fight against the More su- 
English Bible and service-book in Durham, tearing AMi\n*^ 
them in pieces; and, as yet unable to go to the^^*^** 
cost of saying mass, for want of vestments, they 

able. See the censure passed 
upon him by his successor^ 
archbishop Grindal, in Strype's 
life of that prelate^ p. 172.] 

■ [See a full account of this 
northern rebellion in Strype's 
An. 1.583, sq.. Grind. 138, sq. 
Sanders^ in his narrative of this 
rising, says that the people were 
instigated to it by a certain priest, 
Dr. Nicholas Morton, an Eng- 
lishman ; ^' unnm ex presbyte- 
" ris qui poenitentiis indicendis 
" Romie praeerant ;" and that 
he was sent for this purpose 

into England by Pius V. De 
Visibili Monarchia, p. 706. 
Undoubtedly one of the chief 
instigators of it was the queen 
of Scots, who, finding by the 
imprisonment of the duke of 
Norfolk that she could not 
regain her freedom, despatched 
a secret message to the two 
earls, to assist her in her pur- 
pose by effecting a general ris- 
ing. See Dodd's Church Hist. 
III. p. 6, n., and sir Cuthbert 
Sharp's memorials of this plot, 
taken from authentic papers.] 

S46 The Church History book ix. 

A- ^•1569- began with the cheapest piece of popery, holy water; 

their wells plentifully affording water, and Plumtree 

the priest quickly conferring consecration *. After- 
N0T.20. wards, better provided, they set up mass in most 
places where they came ; Richard Norton, an ancient 
and aged gentleman, carrying the cross before them, 
and others bearing in their banners the five wounds 
of Christ, or a chalice, according to their different 
devices ". No great matter was achieved by them, 
save the taking of Baynard's Castle, in the bishopric, 
which indeed took itself in effect, the defenders 
thereof being destitute of victuals and provisions. 

Routed by 17, But hearing how the garrisons of Carlisle and 

the queen , 

her forces. Borwick wero manned against them on their backs, 
and the earl of Sussex ^ advancing out of the south 
with an army to oppose them, their spirits quickly 
sunk ; and being better armed than disciplined, 
wanting expert commanders, (how easily is a rout 
routed !) they fled northwards, and mouldered away 
without standing a battle. * 
AniuOuui 18. An Italian author y, writing the life of pope 
reckoning Pius Quiutus, givoth US this brief account of this 

without his _ j»i.» _ 

host expedition : 

'* They did not overrun the kingdom as they ought 
to have done, and followed after Elizabeth, for 
which they could not have wanted followers 
enough ; but they stood still, and not being able 
to maintain themselves long in the field for want 
of money, they finally withdrew themselves into 
" Scotland without any thing doing." 

t [Afterwards executed for * [Thomas Ratcliffe.] 

the same. See Sanders, ib. p. y [Vita del glor. Papa PioV., 

708.] scritta da Girol. Catena. Romse^ 

™ Stow's Chron. p. 662. 1587, p. 115.] 


CJBNT. xyr. 

of Britain, 


So easy it is for this author's fancy (which scaleth a.d. 1569. 
the highest walls without ladders, gaineth the strait- — — — 
est passes without blows, crosses the deepest rivers 
without bridge, ford, or ferry) to overrun England ; 
though otherwise this handful of men (never ex- 
ceeding six hundred horse and four thousand foot) 
were unlikely to run through other shires, who could 
aot stand a blow in their own county. 

19. Northumberland fled into Scotland, lurked Northum. 
there a time, was betrayed to earl Murray, sent with many 
back into England, and beheaded at York ^. West- U^^^^exe^ 
morelaad made his escape into Flanders, (the wisest ^^' 
work that ever he did,) where he long lived very 
poor on a small and ill-paid pension \ Many were 
executed by sir George Bowes, knight marshal, 
every market town being then made a shire town 
for his assizes betwixt Newcastle and Witherby, 
(about sixty miles in length and forty in breadth \) 
much tOTrifying those parts with his severity; in- 
isomuch that when, next year, Leonard Dacre ^ put 

* [Morton, who succeeded 
Murray as regent, delivered 
him up to the queen for a sum 
of monev« Dodd, III. 9. He 
was beneaded August 22nd, 


* [A very unfavourable cha- 
racter is given of the earl, in a 
pamphlet entitled '' Execution 
" for Justice, and not for Re- 
" ligion," published in 1583, 
aod supposed to be written by 
lord treasurer Burleigh. But 
as it is the production of one 
politically opposed to the earl, 
and not very scrupulous in his 
political conduct, it ought not 
to carry much weight with it. 
Speaking of those who were 
engaged in various risings and 

conspiracies against the queen, 
the writer says, ** Out of Eng. 
" land fled Charles Nevill, earl 
'* of Westmoreland, a person 
" utterly wasted by looseness 
" of life, and by God's punish- 
" ment, even in the time of 
" his rebellion, bereaved of his 
" children that should have 
" succeeded him in the earl- 
** dom ; and how his body is 
" now eaten with ulcers of lewd 
" courses all his companions do 
'* see, that no enemy he had 
*' can wish him a viler punish- 
*• ment."] 

^ Stow*s Chron. p. 664. 

c [Second son of William 
lord Dacre, of Gillesland. See 
the occasion of this rebellion in 


The Church History 

:book IX. 

A. D. 1569. together the ends of the quenched bands of this 

rebellion, with intent to rekindle them, they would 

not take fire ; but by the vigilancy and valour of the 
lord Hunsdon his design was seasonably defeated* 
Theexecu- 20. John Story, doctor of law, a cruel persecutor 
Story. in the days of queen Mary, (being said for his share 
to have martjrred two or three hundred,) fled after- 
wards over into Brabant, and because great with 
duke D'Alva, (like cup, like cover,) he made him 
searcher at Antwerp for English goods*; where, if 
he could detect either Bible or heretical books (as 
they termed them) in any ship, it either cost their 
persons imprisonment or goods confiscation ^ But 
now, being trained into the ship of Mr. Parker, an 
Englishman, the master hoisted sail, (time and tide, 
wind and water consenting to that design,) and over 
was this tyrant and traitor brought into England", 
where, refusing to take the oath of supremacy, and 
professing himself subject to the king of Spain, he 
was executed at Tyburn ; where, being cut down 
half dead, after his privy members were cut off^, he 
rushed on the executioner, and gave him a blow on 
the ear, to the wonder (saith my author) of all the 
standers by ; and I, who was uot there, wonder 
more that it was not recounted amongst the Romish 
miracles &• 

Carleton*8 Thank. Rememb. 25. 
He also escaped into the Low 
Countries, and died in a poor 
estate, at Lou vain.] 

d [Camden, ann.1569,157 1 .] 

* Fox, Acts and Mon. vol. 
III. p. 1023. 

f Pox, ut prius. 

S [A very interesting ac- 
count of Dr. Storj- and his 
execution, (written by a pro- 

testant who witnessed his suf- 
ferings,) will be found in Mor- 
gan's Phoenix Britannicus^. The 
writer seems astonished that 
Dr. Story should have so fully 
ptofessed his only hope in 
Christ's merits for his justifica- 
tion and salvation. It contains 
also the best exculpation of 
Story's conduct daring queen 
Mary's reign.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 849 

21. The old store of papists in England began a. d. 1569, 

now very much to diminish and decay, insomuch 1- 

that the Romanists perceived they could not spend ginai ofthe. 
at this rate out of the main stock, but it would ^^^^ 
quickly make them bankrupt. Prisons consumed *^y°^** *^ 

* ^ ^ seas. 

many, age moe, of their priests, and they had no 
place in England whence to recruit themselves. Tlie 
largest cistern with long drawing will grow dry, if 
wanting a fountain to feed the daily decay thereof. 
Hereupon they resolved to erect colleges beyond the 
seas^ for English youth to have their education 
therein j a project now begun, and so effectually 
prosecuted, that within the compass of fifty years 
nine colleges were by them founded and furnished 
with students, and they with maintenance, as by the 
following catalogue may appear, as they stood at the 
last year of king James. Since, no doubt, they have 
been enlarged in greatness, increased in number, 
enriched in revenues, as such who shall succeed us 
in continuing this story may report to posterity. 
May they at my request, if having the conveniences 
of leisure and instructions, be pleased to perfect this 
my catalogue, and replenish the vacuities thereof 
with their more exact observations. And let no 
papists laugh at our light mistakes, protestants not 
pretending to such exact intelligence of their col- 
leges as they have of ours ; indeed they have too 
critical instructions of all our English societies by 
their agents living amongst us ; and it is a bad sign 
when suspicious persons are over-prying to know the 
windows, doors, all the passages and contrivances, of 
their neighbours' houses, as intending therein some 
design for themselves. 


The Church History 


A. D. 1569- 
12 Eliz. 





I. Dooay.] 


Douay CoDege, 
in Flanders, 
founded 1568. 
Thence (for 
fear of the 
wars) removed 
to Rheims in 
France, about 
1578, where 
Henry the 
Third, king 
of France, did 
patronise and 
protect them ; 
and some 20 
[or rather 15] 
years after 
brought back 
hither again b. 

Philip the Se- 
cond, king of 

All the recu- 
sants in Eng- 

A pension [of 2000 
crowns] out of the 
king of Spain*8 trea- 
sury, which being 
sometimes but badly 
paid, the scholars are 
fain to feed on pa- 
tience. [It was to- 
tally withdrawn on 
the removal of Dr. 
Worthington in 1 6 1 3.] 

2. A yearly Defection 
from the catholics of 

3. Sale of masses, ridi 
men^s mortiuu^es, 
which also are the 
staple maintenance of 
all odi«r colleges i. 


Rectors. Eminent Scholars. 

Uncertain, but nu- 
merous; for here 
they do not pick 
and choose for wit 
or wealth, as in 
other colleges, but 
they receive all that 
come unto them. 

[In 1580 there were 
no less than 112 
convictors in the 
house Dr. Barret 
was rector in 1 5 95.] 

1. William Allen, (afterwards 
cardinal, a principal pro- 
curer and advancer of this 
foundation. He died 1594. 

2. Thomas Worthington, (of 
an ancient family in Lan- 
cashire,) rector 1609. 

3. Matthew Kellison, (a 
Northamptonshire man,) 
rector 1624. 

Note, That whereas the go- 
vernment of all other Eng- 
lish colleges belongs to Je- 

- suits, this only is ruled by 
secular priests. 

Dr. Webb, whom 
they brag to be the 
best casuist in the 
world. He lived 
to sing his Mass of 
Jubilee, having 
been a prieet fuH 
fifty years. 

^ [Sanders de Schism. Ang. 
p. 364, et in App. p. 98. Li 
the year 17 13 there was pub- 
lished a pamphlet, now very 
rarely met with, entitled ** The 
" History of the English Col- 
" lege at Douay, from its first 
" Foundation in 1568 to the 
'* present Time, &c. Collected 
" from original Manuscripts, 
*' Letters, and unquestionable 
'• Informations upon the Place. 
*' By R. C, Chaplain to an 
'* English Regiment that 
" marched in upon its surren- 

*' dering to the Allies." To 
this an Answer was published 
the same year by Keirn. 

See also Dodd's Church His- 
tory. III. p. 158. One of the 
chief advancers of this founda- 
tion was Dr. John Vandeyelt, 
regius professor of the canoa 
law in the uuivefsity of Douay; 
and the first person who gave a 
sum of money towards pur- 
chasing a house for the pur- 
pose was Morgan Philips, late 
provost of Oriel.] 

i [According to Dodd> theiv 


of BHtain. 






College of 

1579 *• 

Gregory the 
Xlllth, pope, 
first to six, 
then to four- 
teen, at last to 
scholars there- 
in, to the 
yearly value 
of four thou- 
sand crowns. 

Owen Lewis, 
of Cambray,] 
was a prin- 
cipal promoter 

The Welsh Hospital in 
Rome, (founded and en- 
dowed many hundred 
years since by Cadwalla- 
der, king of Wales, for 
M^elsh pilgrims,) with the 
rich lands thereof, con- 
ferred by pope Gregoiy 
the Xlllth on this col- 
lege. They have at Fres- 
cata, (which is the pope*s 
simimer housej lying some 
ten miles east of Rome,) 
three or four farms, where 
corn for the coll^ and 
other provision groweth ™. 

Number, Rectors. Eminent Scholars, 

One hundred at the 

1 least ; but Italian air 

1 not 'weH agreeing 

with English bodies, 

they bury yearly ten 

or twelve of their 


Note, That whereas, 

tnno 1 5 7 6, there were 

bat thirty old priests 

remaining in this 

! reahn, these two col- 

1 leges alone, within 

j kw years, sent above 

, three hundred priests 

into England n. 


1. Dr. Maurice [Clenock] . 
He was removed out of 
his place for being too 
favourable to his coun- 
trymen, the "Welsh 0. 

[i 5 79. Alphonso Agazzari. 

1594. Jerome Fioravante. 

1595. Mudus Vitelleschi. 

1596. Alph. Agazzari.] 

2. Ferdinando, a Neapo- 
litan Jesuit, succeeded 
him. (?) 

3. Robert Persons, rector 
for twenty-three years, 
from 1587 to 1610, when 
he died. 

4. Thomas Fitzherbert, 
one of great age and 
parentage, rector 1623. 

Francis Monfort, who, 
anno 1592, being to 
depart the college for 
England, took his 
farewell of pope Cle- 
ment the Eighth, 
with so passionate a 
Latin oration p that 
it fetched tears from 
the tender heart of his 
holiness. This Mon- 
fort, some months 
after, was executed 
in England. 

A.D. 1569-. 

[2. Rome.} 

only certain income is an an- 
nual pension of 2000 crowns 
paid by the pope. lb. 161.] 

1 [Sanders ut supra. Dodd, 
ib, 167.] 

>n [According to Dodd, its 
jearly revenue amounted to 
i8oof. lb. 169, n.] 

^ [One of their own writers 
says Uiat the colleges at Rheims 
and Rome were the most fa- 
mous; the former supporting 
two hundred, the latter seventy 
students. Bagshaw, Decl. Mo- 

tuum, &c. p. 82. He also 
states, in reply to the boast of 
the Jesuits who claimed the 
merit of building many semi- 
naries for the education of Ro. 
man catholics, that the evils 
which had been inflicted by 
them on the seminaries of 
Douay and Rome, built by the 
influence of cardinal Alan, were 
by no means counterbalanced 
by the foundation of new col- 
leges ; that fewer priests were 
now sent into England from 


The Church Histoty 

BOOK a. 

A. D. 1569. the whole combined than ori- 
%^ Eliz. ginally from the two only. 
Formerly any persons were ad- 
mitted into these seminaries, 
whatever might be their birth 
or eircumstances ; but that the 
Jesuits (in 1601) had altered 
things so much for the worse, 
that the number of scholars at 
Douay, including doctors and 
servants, (doctoribus et famu- 
lis,) was limited to sixty, and 
students only of good family 
and fortune were received. The 
students in the Roman college, 
according to the same autho. 
rity, had also decreased from 
seventy to forty ; and the Je- 
suits ruled throughout all these 
institutions, which was produc- 
tive of much dissension, and 
greatly prejudicial to the suc- 
cess of the Roman catholic 
cause. Bagshaw, ib. pp. 83, 
84. But these observations, 
as proceeding from a violent 
enemy of the Jesuits, must be 
received with caution.] 

Q [Such also is Ant. Mun- 
day's account of the quarrel, in 
his English-Roman Life, chap. 
VI., reprinted in the Harleian 
Miscellany, vol. II. p. 1 98, ed. 
1 809. But Watson, a secular 
priest, attributes the removal 
of Morrice to the plots and 
ambition of the Jesuits ; " which 
'' was nothing else," he ob- 
serves, "but a canvas to dis- 
** grace that reverend prelate 
** Dr. Lewis, a Welshman born, 
** afterwards bishop of Cassana,. 
'* by putting master Morrice 
** from the rectorship of that 
** college whereunto Dr. Lewis 
*' had preferred him : the which 
*' college was first founded as 
" an hospital by Briton and 
" after English -Sax.on kings 





and princes of this land, for 
" the relief of such as went on 
pilgrimage to visit those holy 
places dedicated unto God's 
saints . and servants by the 
*' memorable martyrdom of 
" thirty- three popes, betwixt 
" St. Peter and St. Silvester 
'* the First, under whom the 
" catholic Roma» church had 
'* peace and perfect quiet. Thb 
'* hospital.being now translated 
'* into a college by Dr. Lewis's 
'* means, then archdeacon ta 
'* the bishop of Cambray, and 
" refendary to the pope, at that 
*' time was enriched with the 
'* pension of an abbacy by Gre- 
" gory XIII., of all holy roe- 
*' mory, at what time a& car^ 
" dinal Allen erected the cd^ 
*' lege at Rheims in France, 
'^ for the same end.*' Quod- 
libets, p. 2 ; see also pp. 96, 
97 ; and this is supported by 
Lewis Owen in his Running 
Register, p. iS, who had him- 
self been a Jesuit. The Jesuits' 
own account of the matter will 
be found in the fifth chapter 
of Father Parsons* Apology^ 
written against the secular 
priests, and in More, p. 56. 

Further information touchi 
ing the foundation of these 
societies will be found in 
Bridgewater*s Concertatio, p. 
251, sq., and in Ribadeneira's 
Appendix to Saunders, De 
Schismate Anglicano.] 

P Sanders de Schism. AngK 
in Append, p. 119. Image of 
both Churches, 470, [by P.D.M.| 
that is, Mat. Pattison, a Ro- 
manist. (See Wood's Ath. II. 
763.) The first edition was. 
printed at Tornay, 1623 ; the 
second at London^ ^^53*] ^^'^ 
deirs de Schism. Angl. pag. 365^ 


of Britain. 






College of 






Philip the 
king of 

Dona I^uysa de Ca* 
ravajal, a rich widow 
lady in Spain, gave 
all her estate (being 
very great) to this 
college, and came 
over into England, 
where she died. 

[Gaspar de Quiroga, 
cardinal of Toledo.] 

[The duchess of Feria.] 

[Don Alphonso de 

[Don Francisco de 
Mendoza, bishop of 

Tiands they have not 
purchased much in 
Spain, being loth the 
Spaniard should take 
notice of their wealth; 
but great suras of mo- 
ney they have at use 
in Brabant. As also 
with English factors in 
Spain, perverted to 
their persuasion, they 
have a great stock in 

[Annual income, 4000 



Eminent Scholars r. 

They are fe 
than form 
since the 
court was 
by Philip t 
from Vallj 

wer now 
erly, ever 
he Third 
Eidolid to 


. Dr. Stillington.] 
. Father Ceciliano.] 
. Pedro de Guzman.] 
ither Walpole, if not rector, 
nras principal actor herein 
ibout the year 1605 ; when, 
)y pretending to have gained 
Mr. Pickering Wotton (son 
md heir to lord Wotton) to 
;he Romish church, he got 
ibove five hundred pound to 
lis colle^ s. 

A. D. 1569. 
12 Eliz. 


^ [Sanders de Schism. Ang. 
in App. p. 102. Dodd, ib. p. 
174. All these colleges were 
founded with a view of provid- 
ing fitting instruments for the 
conversion of England to the 
Roman catholic faith, and were 
greatly indebted to the zeal 
and activity of father Parsons. 
But the college of Valladolid 
was the first to produce a hand- 
sel of the desired harvest, send- 
ioffout annually twelve mission. 
anas into England immediately 
after its foundation. According 
to fieither Parsons, this was the 
'Occasion of the severe edict 
passed against the Jesuits in 
the year 1591. Andrese Philo- 


patri Responsio ad edictum 
Elizabethae, &c., p. 6, ed. 1 593.] 
r [The number of the stu- 
dents in this seminary was at 
first no more than four ; after- 
wards they increased to thirty- 
six, (Strype's An. IV. 99 ;) 
and in the year 1596 they 
amounted to sixty. See Ju- 
venc. Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 160. 
Father Parsons wrote a little 
book in Spanish, giving an ac- 
count of the college, and the 
end of its foundation. This 
work he dedicated to the king's 
daughter^ and thus increased 
the fame of the institution. 
Strype, ib. Of this book I 
have never been able to find 

A a 


The Church History 


A. D. 1569. Know that sir Francis Inglefield, privy counsellor 
^to queen Mary, forsaking his fair estate in Berk- 
shire, in the first of queen Elizabeth, fled beyond 
the sea. He afterwards was a bountiful benefactor 
to the college at Valladolid ; yea, he is beheld by 
the English papists as a benefactor-general to their 
nation, for the privileges he procured them from 
pope Gregory the Thirteenth, whereof hereafter. 
He lieth buried in this college, and his grave is 
shewn with great respect to travellers of our country 
coming thither. 






Collie of 

1592 ». 

Philip the 
king of 

Our English merchants 
and factors there re- 
siding, even often 
against their own 
wills, to secure them- 
selves from the search, 
ers in the inquisition. 
So that it is a nemo 
tcit, what here is got- 
ten for a ne noceant, 

[The bishop of Jaca. 
See above, p. 3530 

[Father Parsons.] 

[Donna Anna de £s- 
pinosa, 7000 crowns, 
and her two brothers 

They have a box in every 
ship sailing to the West 
Indies. Upon it is the 
picture of St. Thomas 
Becket, on the octaves 
of whose day this col- 
lege forsooth was first 
founded; and into it, 
through an hole in the 
lid thereof, merchants 
put in their devotion. 
The key of this, not 
Christmas, but all-the- 
year-long box is kept 
by the rector of the col- 
lege, who onlv knoweth 
to how much this money 



Eminent Scholars, 

[Franciscus Peralta.] 

[John Worthington.] 
[Richard Walpole.] 
[Henry Floyd.] 

any infonnation ; though I 
have met with a little tract in 
Spanish, of a similar argument, 
bearing the following title : 
*• Relacion ce un Sacerdote 
** Ingles, escrita a Flandres, a 
•* un cavallero de su tierra, de- 
** sterrada par ser Catolieo : en 
*Ma qual le da cuenta de la 
'* venida de su Magestad a 
" Valladolid, y al Colegio de 
'^ los Ingleses, y lo que alte se 



" hizo en su recebimiento. 

*' Traduzida de lugles en 
'* Castellano per Tomas Ecle- 
sal cavallero Ingles. En Ma- 
drid," &c. 1592. i2mo.] 
8 See this forgery at large 
in Lewis Owen's Running Re- 
gister, p. 59, to whom I am 
much beholding for my instruc- 
tions in this subject. 

t [Sanders de Schism. Ang. 
in App. p. 102. Mori Hist. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, S55 

Here expect not of me a discovery (being no spy -A., d. 1569. 

by profession) of tbe cunning contrivances whereby - — : 

these Jesuits pass and repass the seas, without any convey- 
detection, yea, suspicion of them ; sometimes underpass over 
the protection of a pass procured from some lords of ® *^^ 
the privy council for a young gentleman to go over 
into France, with two or three of his serving men, to 
learn the language; sometimes they shuffle them- 
selves into the company of an ambassador or his 
menial servants, and so cover their private falsehood 
under his public iaith. Many English gentlewomen, 
intended for nuns, are first veiled, before their going 
beyond seas, under pretence of travelling to the spa 
for their healths. In their return for England, these 
Jesuits have found the farthest way about for them 
the nearest way home ; for, out of France or Spain, 
first they will sail into the Low Countries, and 
thence into England; and so, coming immediately 
out of protestant parts, escape without any or with 
easy examination ; and yet these curious engineers, 
who fly so high and carry their conveyances so far 
above all common discovery, have sometimes one of 
their wheels or strings broken, and then down they 
fall into Newgate or some other prison, notwith- 
standing all their verbal and real equivocations. 

Soc. Jesu, p. 159. Dodd, ib. letter, describing its origin and 

p. 178. Juvencius apparently progress, is published in Dodd*s 

refers the foundation of this Church History, App. No. 

seminary to the year 1591. LXIL] 
Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 214. A 

A a 2 


The Church History 


A.D. 1569. 
I a Ehz. 







in Artois, 
about the 
1596 «. 

Philip the 
who gave 
them a good 
for whose 
soul they 
say every 
day a mass, 
and every 
year an 

English catholics, es- 
pecially the parents 
or friends of such 
youths as here have 
their education. 

[George Talbot, earl 
of Shrewsbury, by 
whose interest the 
duke of Bavaria set- 
tled on the coll^^ 
the annual interest 
of 200,000 florins.] 

Watten Cloister, being 
a most pleasant place, 
with good land and 
a fair wood, some 
two leagues off. It 
anciently belonged to 
the Benedictines, of 
whom the Jesuits 
here bought it. Pope 
Paulus Qui'itus and 
the king of Spain 
confirming their bar- 
gain. It is said to 
be worth five hun- 
dred pounds a year. 



Eminent Scholars. 

Well-nigh an hundred 
of gentlemen's sons, 
not as yet professed 
Jesuits, though like 
them in habit, but' 
young scholars; be- 
sides above twenty 
Jesuits, (priests and 
lay-brethren,) having 
an inspection ovei* 

[i. Thomas Gerard.] 

Though this college be of 
English only, yet their rec- 
tor generally is a Fleming, 
and that out of a double 
design: first, that he may 
solicit their suits in that 
country the better, by the 
advantage of his language 
and acquaintance ; secondly, 
that they may the more co- 
lourably deny such English 
passengers as beg of them, 
pleading that their rector, 
being a stranger, will part 
with no money, and they 
have none of their own. 

Father Fleck. 
Father Floid. 
Father Wilson. 





College of Ma- 
drid, in New 
Castile, in 
Spain, found- 
ed 1606. 

Joseph Cresswell, 
Jesuit, with mo- 
ney of the two 
colleges of Valla- 
dolid and Seville, 
bought an house 
here, and built a 
college thereon. 

What they gain by 
soliciting of suits for 
merchants and others 
in the Spanish court. 
The rest is supplied 
imto this college from 
the parents hereof; 
I mean the two col- 
leges of Valladolid 
and Senile. 

Number. | Rector. 

Eminent Scholars. 

[Lewis Owen's Running 
Register, p. 3 and p. 73. Dodd, 
II. p. 1 78, IV. 1 1 8. More, ib. 

p. 161, 293. The foundation 
was not finally settled until 


of Britain. 






College of Lou- 
vain, in Bra- 
bant, founded 
about the year 
1606 7. 

PhUip the Third, king 
of Spain, gave a cas- 
tle, (then much de- 
cayed, never much 
defiensive for this 
dty,) with a pension 
to the English Je- 
suits, to build them 
a college tlierewith. 

[Aloysia de Ca- 


Rector, Eminent Scholars. 

Uncertain, as much in 
motion, and never all 
resident here toge- 
ther. [Removed 
chiefly to Watten and 

A.D. 1569. 

\i Eliz. 




College of 
Liege, in 
1616 z. 

The archbishop of Co- 
logne (being at this 
time also bishop of 
Liege) gave them a 
pension to live on, 
and leave to build a 
£ur college here. 



Many of the English no- 
bility a and gentry, un- 
der pretence of passing 
to the spa for recovery 
of their healths, here 
drop much of their gold 
by the way. It is 
doubtful how soverngn 
the spa-water will prove 
to these passengers, but 
certain that their gold 
is cordial to these Je- 



[In 1624 their num- 
bers amounted to 



Eminent Scholars. 

[Father John Gerard.] 
[Father Henry Silis- 

[Father Owen Shelley.] 

Mr. Brown, brother to 
the last viscount Mon- 
tacute, in Sussex, be- 
came here a Jesuit. 

y [Dodd, IV. p. 1 20. The 
date of the establishment may 
be reckoned from 1607, when 
a house was first hired for the 
neception of students. In 1 6 1 2 
the foundation of a college was 

^See a very interesting 

account of this college in 
an anonymous work, entitled 
" Florus Anglo - Bavaricus. 
*' Leodii, apud Gul. Hen. 
'* Street." 1685. 4to. Proba- 
bly composed by the members 
of the college. It contains 
much information respecting 

A a 3 


The Church History 


A.D. 1569. 
12 Eliz. 






College of Ghent) 
in Flanders, 
founded 1620. 

Philip the Fourth, 
who gave them a 

[Anne, countess 
of Arundel.] 

Number. Rector. 

Eminent Scholars. 

One may observe a kind of gradation in these 
colleges : St. Omers generally is for boys, to be 
taught in grammar ; Rome for youths studying the 
arts ; all the rest for men, (novices or professed 
Jesuits,) save that Douay is for any, of what age 
or parts soever. Compare these colleges amongst 
themselves, Rome will appear the richest in visible, 
Valladolid the cunningest in concealed, wealth ; 
Douay the largest in men and straitest in means; 
Liege getting the most from passengers on land; 
Seville gaining the best by travellers at sea ; Madrid 
wearing the bravest clothes, (where all the Jesuits 
are constant courtiers ;) and St. Omers eating the 
best meat, as nearest to England, whence many a 
dainty bit is daily sent unto them. 

the lives of the English stu- 
dents ; particularly the second 
part^ which contains an account 
of the plot of Oates and Ben- 

a [Particularly George Tal- 
bot, ninth earl of Shrewsbury. 
Florus Anglo-Bav. p. 8.] 

^ [Besides these establish- 
ments^ there was one at Lisbon, 
another at Arras, and a tiiird 
at Pont-a-Mou8son, of which 
some account will be found in 
Dodd. The duke of Guise 

also founded a college at Eu, 
(Aujii,) in Normandy, for re- 
ceiving English youths and 
instructing them in the Latin 
tongue. This college was 
founded in 1583, principally 
through the interest of father 
Parsons. During his lifetime 
the duke contributed yearly 
towards its support looZ. See 
Mori Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 122. 
Sacchini Hist. Soc. Jesu, pp. 
30, 84. Juvencius Hist. Soc. 
Jesu, p. 309.] 

C£KT. xvi. of Britain, 859 

22. It is incredible what a mass of money (much a. 0.1569. 

in specie, more in exchange) was yearly made over 

out of England for the maintenance of these col- of English 

1 v'-L ^-L* ••! -I '-I catholics. 

leges ; having here their provincials, sub-provincials, 
assistants, agents, coadjutors, familiars, &c., who col- 
lected vast sums for them, especially from catholics 
possessed of considerable estates out of abbey-knds ; 
his holiness dispensing with them, to hold the same 
with a clear conscience, if bountiful on all such 

23. We will conclude all with the solemn oath The oath 
which each student (arrived at man's estate) cere- EngHsh fu. 
moniously sweareth, when admitted into one of these Seir^d * 
colleges : "^^°''- 

" I, A. B., one bred in this English college, con- 
sidering how great benefits God hath bestowed 
upon me, but then especially when he brought me 
•* out of mine own country, so much infected with 
heresy, and made me a member of the catholic 
church, as also desiring with a thankful heart to 
improve so great a mercy of God, have resolved to 
offer myself wholly up to divine service, as much 
as I may to fulfil the end for which this our 
college was founded. I promise therefore, and 
swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I 
am prepared from mine heart with the assistance 
of divine grace, in due time to receive holy orders, 
and to return into England to convert the souls of 
my countrymen and kindred, when and as often 
as it shall seem good to the superior of this 
college *^." 
Be it remembered that our long vacation is their 

c [Sanders de Schismate Anglicano in Append, p. 1 16.] 

A a 4 




Tke Church Hutory 


A.D.i569.chiefest term ; for in the months of August or Sep- 
' ■ tember these colleges receive their annual supplies 

of green students, and then despatch their ripe novi- 
ciates for England; or, if you will, then take in 
young spawn, and send their old frogs over hither 
a-croaking. All that I will add is this: if covet- 
ousness should prevail so far as to pluck down pro- 
testant colleges in England, whilst superstition pre- 
serves and increaseth popish seminaries beyond the 
seas, sad would the sight be to behold the truth on 
our side encumbered with ignorance, to encounter 
falsehood on theirs advantaged with learning and 

24. Pope Pius the Fifth had now long patiently 
expected the amendment of queen Elizabeth, and, 
weary with his waiting in vain, resolved at last (if 
not wisely, valiantly) that, seeing desperate diseases 
must have desperate cures, he would thunder his 
excommunication against her, according to the tenor 
following : 

" A Sentence declaratory of our holy lord pope Pius 
" Quintus^ against Elizabeth [the pretended} Quee7i 
" of England^ and the heretics adhering unto her. 
" Wherein also [aW] her subjects are declared ab^ 
" solved from the oath of allegiance^ and every 
other thing due unto her whatsoever ; and those 
which from henceforth obey her are ifinodated 
" with the anathema **. 

The pope 
the queen. 



^ [The original of this bull 
is in Camden's Annals, an. 1569, 
in Burnet's Reformation, and 
in Wilkins' Concilia, vol. IV. 
p. 260. The date of it in this 
latter writer, who extracted it 
from the second vol. (p. 303) 

of the Bullarium Romanumy 
slightly varies, being there 
1570, fifth of the calends of 
May. Fuller probably trans- 
lated it from Sanders de Schism, 
p. 368. I have added the words 
in brackets from the original.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 361 

^^ Pius J Bishop^ servant to God^s servants, for a a. d. 1569, 
^^ future memorial of the matter. 1- 

" He tbat reigneth on high, to whom is given all 
" power in heaven and in earth, committed one holy 
" catholic and apostolic church, out of which there 
" is no salvation, to one alone upon earth, namely, 
" to Peter the chief of the apostles, and to Peter's 
" successor, the bishop of Rome, to be governed in 
" fulness of power. Him alone he made prince over 
all people and all kingdoms, to pluck up, destroy, 
scatter, consume, plant, and build ; that he may 
" contain the faithful that are knit together with 
the band of charity in the unity of the Spirit, and 
present them spotless and unblamable to their 
Saviour. In discharge of which function. We, 
" which are by God's goodness called to the govern- 
** ment of the aforesaid church, do spare no pains, 
" labouring with all earnestness that [this] unity and 
" the catholic religion (which the Author thereof. 
" hath, for the trial of his children's faith, and for 
our amendment, suflfered [to engage^ with so great 
afflictions) might be preserved uncorrupt. 
" But the number of the ungodly hath gotten such 
power, that there is now no place left in the whole 
world which they have not essayed to corrupt with 
** their most wicked doctrines ; amongst others, Eliza- 
beth, the pretended queen of England, the servant 
of wickedness, lending thereunto her helping hand, 
'* with whom, as in a sanctuary, the most pernicious of 
" all have found a refuge. This very woman, having 
** seized on the kingdom, and monstrously usurping 
the place of supreme head of the church in all 
England, and the chief authority and jurisdiction 
" thereof, hath again brought back the said kingdom 




362 The Church History book ix. 

A. 0.1569." into miserable destruction, which was then newly 

12 Eliz. 

L " reduced to the catholic faith, and good fruits. 

** For, having by strong hand inhibited the exer- 
" cise of the true religion, which Mary the lawful 
" queen, of famous memory, had by the help of this 
" see restored, after it had been formerly overthrown 
by Henry the Eighth, a revolter therefrom ; and 
following and embracing the errors of heretics, she 
hath removed the royal council, consisting of the 
" English nobility, and filled it with obscure men, 
" being heretics, suppressed the embracers of the 
" catholic faith, placed dishonest preachers and 
ministers of impieties, abolished the sacrifice of 
the mass, prayers, fastings, choice of meats, un- 
" married life, and the catholic rites and ceremonies; 
" commanded books to be read in the whole realm 
" containing manifest heresy and impious mysteries, 
" and institutions by herself entertained and ob- 
" served, according to the prescript of Calvin, to be 
" likewise observed by her subjects ; presumed to 
" throw bishops, parsons of churches, and other 
" catholic priests out of their churches and benefices, 
'' and to bestow them and other church livings upon 
" heretics, and to determine of church causes ; pro- 
hibited the prelates, clergy, and people to acknow- 
ledge the church of Rome, or obey the precepts 
'* and canonical sanctions thereof; compelled most 
" of them to condescend to her wicked laws, and to 
abjure the authority and obedience of the bishop 
of Rome, and to acknowledge her to be sole lady 
" in temporal and spiritual matters, and this by oath; 
imposed penalties and punishments upon those 
which obeyed not, and exacted them* of those 
which persevered in the unity of the faith and 


.C£NT« XVI. of Britain. 368 

''their obedience aforesaid; cast the catholic pre- a. 0.1569. 

12 Eliz. 

.^ lates and rectors of churches in prison, where ^ 

" many of them, being spent with long languishing 
•* and sorrow, miserably ended their lives. All which 
" things, seeing they are manifest and notorious to 
" all nations, and by the gravest testimony of very 
" many so substantially proved that there is no place 
** at all left for excuse, defence, or evasion ; We, 
^^ seeing that impieties and wicked actions are mul- 
** tiplied one upon another, and moreover that the 
," persecution of the faithful and affliction for reli- 
" gion groweth every day heavier and heavier, 
" through the instigation and means of the said 
" Elizabeth ; because we understand her mind to be 
80 hardened and indurate that she hath not only 
contemned the godly requests and admonitions of 
catholic princes concerning her healing and con- 
" version, but, alas ! hath not so much as permitted 
" the nuncios of this see to cross the sees into Eng- 
** land, are constrained of necessity to betake our- 
selves to the weapons of justice against her, not 
being able to mitigate our sorrow that we are 
drawn to take punishment upon one to whose 
** ancestors the whole state of all Christendom hath 
" been so much bounden. Being therefore sup- 
ported with His authority, whose pleasure it was 
to place us (though unable for so great a burden) 
in this supreme throne of justice, We do, out of 
the fulness of our apostolic power, declare the 
" aforesaid Elizabeth, (being an heretic and a fa- 
" vourer of heresies,) and her adherents in the 
" matters aforesaid, to have incurred sentence of 
** Anathema^ and to be cut off from the unity of the 
" body of Christ. And moreover, We do declare 


864 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1569." her to be deprived of her pretended title to the 

I 'i Eliz 

L " kingdom aforesaid, and of all dominion, dignity, 

and privilege whatsoever; and also the nobility, 
subjects, and people of the said kingdom, and all 
other which have in any sort sworn unto her, to 
" be for ever absolved from any such oath, and all 
manner of duty of dominion, allegiance, and obe- 
dience; as We do also, by authority of these 
presents, absolve them, and do deprive the same 
Elizabeth of her pretended title to the kingdom, 
" and all other things above said. And We do 
** command and interdict all and every the noble- 
" men, subjects, people, and others aforesaid, that 
" they presume not to obey her, or her monitions, 
" mandates, and laws ; and those which shall do the 
" contrary We do innodate with the like sentence of 
" Anathema. And because it were a matter of too 
much difficulty to convey these presents to all 
places wheresoever it shall be needful, our will 
" is, that the copies thereof (under a public notary's 
^^ hand, and sealed with the seal of an ecclesiastical 
prelate, or of his court) shall carry together the 
same credit with all people, judicially and extra- 
" judicially, as these presents should do if they were 
" exhibited or shewed. 

'^ Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, in the year of 
" the incarnation of our Lord one thousand five 
" hundred sixty-nine, the fifth of the kalends of 
" March, and of our popedom the fifth year ®. 

" Cm. Glorierius. 

" H. CUMYN." 

® [To this bull, BuUinger, some account in his Life of 
among others, wrote an answer; Grindal, p. 171.] 
of whose book Strype has given 

CEKT. XVI. of Britain. 865 

25. The principal persons whose importunity soli- a. 0.1569. 
cited the pope to thunder out this excommunication, t^ 

Tx XT I* x^ ci 1 x^ ■» «■ r The differ- 

were Dr. Harding, Dr. btapleton. Dr. Morton % and ent opi- 
Dr. Webbe. And now the news thereof, flying over EngHrfi 
into England, variously affected the catholics, ac-^jjj^^ 
cordinir to their several dispositions : **^" excom- 

° ^ munication. 

i. Some admired and applauded the resolution of 
his holiness, expecting all persons should instantly 
start from the infectious presence of the queen ; and 
that that virgin rose, so blasted, should immediately 

ii. Others would not believe that there was any 
such excommunication at all, but that it was a mere 
slander, devised by the common enemy, to make all 
catholics odious. 

iii. Others accounted such excommunication, 
though denounced, of no validity, because the rea- 
sons which moved the pope thereunto were falsely 
and surreptitiously suggested to his holiness. 

iv. Others did question the lawfulness of all ex- 
communications of princes, according to the rule of 
St. Thomas, Princeps et multitudo non est excovfi" 
municanda^ where the uncertain profit which might 
follow could not countervail the certain mischief 
which would ensue. 

V. Others did condemn the present excommu- 
nication pro hie et nune^ as un expedient, probable to 
incense and exasperate the queen to more severity, 
and make her gird her government closer to their 
sides who thought to shake it off. This was appa- 
rent by the woful experience of the excoramunica- 

f [This Dr. Morton had been employed in Northumberland's 

366 The Chwrch Huttory book ix. 

A.D.i569.tion denounced against king Henry the Eighth. 

Yea, Watson, bishop of Lincoln, (if his namesake 

may be credited «f,) was exceedingly grieved at the 
pope's proceedings herein, foreseeing the inconve- 
nience would thence arise. This same Watson was 
he who, in the first of queen Elizabeth, would in all 
haste, by his own bare episcopal power, have ex- 
communicated her ; but now, (older and wiser,) 
moUified with ten years' durance, he altered his 

vi. Others were unsatisfied in the authenticalness 
of the instrument, who never did or durst see the 
original, and were unresolved whether the copies 
were sufficiently attested. 

vii. Others were perplexed in point of conscience, 
how far they were bound to obey herein, seeing the 
law of nature obligeth the vnfe in duty to her hus- 
band excommunicated; and the same reason is of 
the servant to the master, subject to the prince. 

viii. Lastly, others were troubled in point of 
policy, having their persons and estates in the 
queen's power; and Bannes, the schoolman, plead- 
etli that " subjects are not bound to desert or resist 
" their prince, when such actions necessarily infer 
'* danger of death and loss of goods." 

But, leaving them to have their scruples satisfied 
by their confessors, this causeless curse to queen 
Elizabeth was turned into a blessing ; and as the 
barbarians looked when St. Paul (having the viper 
upon his hand) should have swollen and fallen down 
dead\ whilst he shook it off into the fire without 

8f Watson's Quodlibets, pag. 260. ^ Acts xxviii. 6. 

CBKT. XVI. of Britain. 367 

•any hurt or harm, so papists expected, when the a. d. 156^ 

queen should have miserably expired, stung to the — 

heart with this excommunication ; when she, nothing 
frighted thereat, in silence slighted and neglected it, 
without the least damage to her power or person, 
and no whit the less loved of her subjects or feared 
of her enemies. And most false it is which Sanders 
reports ^ that she, by the mediation of some great 
men, secretly laboured in vain in the court of Rome 
to procure a revocation of the pope's sentence against 
her ; as what another relate th \ how she was wont 
to say that "the thing itself grieved her not so 
^ much, as because done by pope Pius, whose elec- 
" tion and life she held for miraculous." 

26. This year two eminent bishops, once of the The death 
same cathedral, but different religions, ended their Barlow and 
lives: William Barlow, doctor of divinity, canon of^*^* 
St. Osith, then prior of Bisham \ successively bishop 
of St. Asaph, St. David's, and Bath and Wells, in 
the days of king Edward the Sixth, afterwards an 
exile in the reign of queen Mary in Germany, 
where he lived in great want and poverty, and by 
queen Elizabeth he was made bishop of Chichester, 
where he was buried "™ ; the other, Gilbert Bourne, [Sept. 10. ] 
bishop of Bath and Wells, though a zealous papist, 
yet of a good nature, well deserving of his cathedral, 
and who found also fair usage in his restraint, living 
in free custody with the dean of Exeter, and lies 
buried in the parish church of Silverton ^. 

i De Schism. Anglicano, p. Berkshire.] 
372. ^ [See sir J. Harrington, 

^ [Catena,] an Italian, in II. 144. Wood's Atb. I. 1 56. 

the Life of Pius Quintus, p. According to Wood, he died in 

116. 1568. 

* [Near Maidenhead, in n [See Wood, ib. p. 699.] 


The Church History 


A. D. 1569. 27. Now was the twelfth year of the queen fully 
— — !l«past with her safety and honour; in which the 
p^tio^ credulous papists, trusting the predictions of sooth- 
defeated. gayg^g^ Y^^A promised to themselves a " golden day," 
as they called it ^ ; instead whereof they are likely 
to find many leaden years hereafter. And hence- 
forward the seventeenth of November, the day of 
the queen's inauguration, was celebrated with far 
greater solemnity than ever before : St. Hugh being 
for forty-four years left out of our calendars to make 
room for her majesty ; and John Felton, who fast- 
ened the pope's bull to the palace of London, being 
taken, and refusing to fly, was hanged on a gibbet 
before the pope's palace p. 
The foun- gg. Hugh Prico, doctor of the civil law % procured 
Jesus Col- the foundation of a college in Oxford, on a ground 
ford/"* "where Whitehall had been formerly situated, which, 
with edifices and gardens thereto belonging, being 
then in the crown, queen Elizabeth gave to so pious 
a use, and therefore is styled the foundress in this 
mortmain. However, the said doctor inscribed these 

o Camden's Eliz. in anno 

P f Felton fastened this bull 

to the bishop of London's pa- 
lace-gate, in Paul's churchyard, 
on the 2Sth of May. On the 
4th of August he was arraigned 
at Guildhall, and hanged, drawn, 
and quartered four days after. 
*' And this was the first action," 
says the author of " The Exe- 
'* cution of Justice, &c." '' of 
" any capital punishment in- 
** flicted for matter sent from 
" Rome to move rebellion, 
" which was after her majesty 
"had reigned about the space 



" of twelve years or more — a 
time sufficient to prove her 
majesty's patience." Somers' 
Tracts, I. 204. Stow, 667. A 
tract, giving an account of his 
death, was published at the 
same time in which he suffered, 
and reprinted in Morgan's 
Phaen. Brit. p. 415. See also 
the account of his sufferings by 
those of his own party, in 
Bridgewater's Concertatio, f. 

q [Prebendary of Rochester, 
afterwards treasurer of St. Da- 

CXHT. XVI. of Britain. 369 

foUoidng verses over the gate, when the building of a.d. 1569. 
the college was but begun : — 

Strtmt Hugo Pridva tibi clarapaiatia Jesu^ 
Ut doctor Ugvm pectora docta daret, 

Hugh Price this palace did to Jesus build, 
That a law'*s doctor learned men might yield. 

But an Oxford author ' telleth us that a satirical 
pen * did underwrite^ with wit and waggery enough, 
fiiese following verses : 

Nondum strmdt Hugo^ mxfvmdammta locamt^ 
Dei DeuB uiposrit dieere^ strtmt Hugo. 

Hugh hath not built it yet : may it be said 

Hugh built it, who hath scarce the groundwork laid! 

But no doubt the scholars therein, at their first 
admission, know how to justify their reputed 
founder s words by the figure of Prolepsis, and can 
tell you that " what is well begun is half finished *." 

' Pitz. de Acad. Oxon. in the support of the college were 

Script, p. 37. found to be almost valueless, 

s [Christopher Reynald.] according to Wood. Hist, of 

^ QThe doctor's intentions Colleges in Oxford, in Jesus 

£uled in another respect, for College, p. 596.] 

the estates whidi he gave for 



The Church History 


A.D. 1570. 
13 Eliz. 

Prineipals ^. 


[1571.] David Lewis, 

[1571.] Griffin Lloyd, 
LL.D-, dean 
of the arches, 
and chancellor 
ofOxon. ^ 

{1586.] Erands Bevans, 

[1602.] Joseph WU- 

liams, D.D., ' 
M.&rg. Prof. 

[1613.] Griffith PoweD, 

[1620.] Francis Man- 
sdl, M.A., 
feUow of All 
Souls. He 
resigned his 
place to sir 
Eubule Thel- 
wall, (one of 
the masters of 
the chancery,) 
conceiving he 
might be more 
serviceable to 
the college. 

[1631.] Sir Eubule 

Thelwall, Kt. 

[1630.] Dr. Francis 
Mansell, re- 

[1648.] Michael Ro- 
berts, D.D. > 

Owen, bi- 
shop of 

HoweU, bi< 
shop of 
Bristol, a 
most ex- 
preacher 7. 



bishop of Hereford. 

Henry Rowland, 
bishop of Bangor. 

Griffith Lloyd, doc- 
tor of law. 

Griffith Powell. 

John Williams, doc- 
tor of divinity. 

Sir Eubule Thd- 
waU, Kt., who made 
a court in a man- 
ner four-square, 
builded and wain- 
scotted the hail, 
perfected the cha- 
pel with a curious 
and costly roof, &c. 

Mrs. Jane Wood, 
widow of Owen 
Wood, dean of 
Armagh z. 

James Howd, 
an dbgant 

[Daniel Bre- 

So that in the year 1634 it had one principal, sixteen 
fellows, sixteen scholars, (moi^ of the ancient British 
nation,) besides officers and servants of the founda- 

^ This college hath had ten 
principals, whereas Trinity 
College in the same university, 
founded fourteen years before, 
liath had but five presidents* 

^ [He was put in by the 
|)arliament, succeeded by Fran- 
cis Howell, M.A., and fellow 
of Exeter in 1657. In 1660 

Dr. Mansell was restored, and 
died in 1665. No college seems 
to have been so much beholden 
to die munificence of its prin- 
cipals as this of Jesus.] 

y [Wood enumerates four- 
teen bishops to 1743.] 

* £The dean was a far greater 
benefactor than his widow.] 

CENT. XVI. o/Britahu 371 

tion, and other students: all which made up the a. d. 1570. 
number of one hundred and nine. L 

29. Hitherto papists generally, without regret, The fi»t 

, beginiung 

repaired to the public places of divine service, and of recu- 
were present at our prayers, sermons, and sacraments, **"^^' 
What they thought in their hearts. He knew who 
knoweth hearts; but in outward conformity they 
kept communion with the church of England; in 
which sense one may say that the whole land was of 
one language and one speech. But now began the 
tower of Babel to be built, and popery to increase, 
which brought with it the division of tongues, and 
the common distinction of papist and protestant, the 
former now separating themselves from our public 
congregations. Thet/ went out from usy because they 
were not of 7is; for had they been of us, they would 
have continued with us. Indeed the pope set his 
mark of fevour on such reputed sheep as absented 
themselves from our churches, henceforward account- 
ing them goats that repaired thither. And now 
began the word recu^sant * to be first bom and bred 
in men's mouths ; which, though formerly in being 
to signify such as refused to obey the edicts of lawful 
authority^ was now confined in common discourse to 
express those of the church of Rome* 

30. Indeed hitherto the English papists slept in a ^apw** 
whole skin, and so might have continued, had they persecut- 
act wilfiiUy torn it themselves ; for the late rebellion 
in the north, and the pope thundering out his 
ezcommnnication against the queen, with many 
scandalous and pernicious pamphlets daily dispersed, 
made her majesty about this time first to frown on 

» £See Naunton's Frag. Regal, art. CeciL] 

B b g 


872 The Church History book ix. 

A.D.i57apapi8tg, then to chide, then to strike them with 

13 Eliz. * ' 

penalties, and last to draw life-blood from them by 

the severity of her laws ; for now the parliament sat 
at Westminster, cutting, as one may say, with a 
three-edged sword, as making sharp edicts against 
papists, nonconformists, and covetons conformists of 
the church of England. 
A pariia. gj. Agaiust papists it was enacted ^ that to write, 
ting with print, preach, express, publish, or affirm that the 
*^* queen was an heretic, schismatic, &c., should be 
adjudged treason ; also that it should be so accounted, 
and punished, to bring and put in execution any 
bulls, writings, instruments, or other superstitious 
things from the see of Rome, from the first of July 
following. A severe act also was made against frigir 
tives, who, being the natural-bom subjects of this 
realm, departed the same without license, and fled 
into foreign parts. Against nonconformists it vras 
provided, that every priest or minister should, before 
the nativity of Christ next following, in the presence 
of his diocesan or his deputy, declare his assent, and 
subscribe to all the Articles of Religion agreed on in 
the convocation one thousand five hundred sixty and 
two, upon pain of deprivation on his refusal thereof. 
Against covetous conformists it was provided, that 
no spiritual person, college, or hospital shall let lease, 
other than for the term of twenty-one years, or three 
lives ; the rent accustomed, or more, reserved pay- 
able yearly during the said term. 
^^^J^*^ 32. Indeed this law came very seasonably, to 
bri&d. retrench the unconscionable covetousness of some 
clergjmieu, who by long and unreasonable leases, as 

^ See the Statutes, 13 Eliz. [c. 1, 2, 12.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 373 

the statute termed them, dilapidated the lauds ofA.D.1570. 
their churches. Here it came to pass, what the '^ 

spouse complains, that the keepers of the walls took 
her veil away from her ^ ; it being true what one 
said» that ** those who should have righted her of 
" her wrongs, did wrong her of her rights." Many 
a bishopric so bruised itself when it fell vacant, that 
it lost some land before a new bishop was settled 
ther^, where the elects contracted with their pro- 
moters on unworthy conditions. 

33- But no armour can be made of proof against Covetout- 
the darts of covetousness, especially when they come Tn at a**^ 
from an high and heavy hand of great men in autho- cranny 
rity. This law was not so cautiously drawn up but 
that some courtiers found a way to evade it, seeing 
the crown was not expressed therein, and left capable 
of such leases, (as, God willing, hereafter shall be 
largely related^;) by which single shift they frus- 
trated the effect of this law. Thus a ship may 
(though not as suddenly, as certainly) be sunk with 
one as with a thousand leaks. 

34. We return to the queen of Scots, of whom The second 
we have heard nothing this three years of eccle- M^queen 
siastical cognizance, nor now meet with any thing Jj^^^^ *® 
of that nature save this letter, which, though some- 
what long, yet because never as yet printed, and 
acquainting us with some passages in her restraint^ 
is not unworthy the perusal ® : 

" Most blessed Father, 
" After the kissing of your most holy feet, about 

c Cant. V. 7. « [The original Italian is in 

^ Vide 1604. Secundo Reg; Catena's Life of Pius V. p. 
Jacobi. 302.] 

Bb 3 


ST4« The Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1571." the beginning of October, I received your holiness' 
— — — " letter, written the thirteenth of July, by which I 
Oct. 3'- « understood not only the benediction which your 
" holiness sent me, and which was and shall be 
** always to me most acceptable, but also the great 
" demonstration of your good-will to comfort me. 
I rested therewith singularly comforted indeed, 
partly because it was pleased earnestly to recom- 
" mend both me and the affairs of my estate to the 
" most potent princes, and especially to the most 
**• renowned kings of France and Spain. But withal 
•* there is yet remaining on the other part to work 
** so with Christian princes, that, making a strict 
league among themselves, they should spare no 
vigilance, nor travels, nor expences, once to abate 
" the most cruel tyrant, who continually thinketh of 
no other thing than to move war against us all ^. 
And might it please God that all other things 
« might correspond with my will, besides that I were 
" to do the same also, your blessedness should see it 
" with effect, which should be that not only I, biit 
" also my subjects^ with a will conform to their body, 
**^ and together with other Christians, would put our- 
" selves forward to do our utmost force. But what 
thing is there to be seen more worthy of compas- 
sion, than to see myself fallen into so great in- 
" felicity from that happiness wherein I found myself 
" lately ? what thing is more lamentable than from a 
" free woman as I was to become a servant ? To 
" these miseries is added, that my country is at this 
** day wrapped in such and so many calamities, and 

' This is meant of the Turk, and not Cas some may suspect]^ 
of q^ueen Elizabeth. 




CEKT. XVI. of Britain, 875 

?* beaten down with so many inroads of the English, '^•^•f57»- 

that many and many towns have been set on fire 

** and flames, many castles and most fair churches 
ruinated to the very foundations «. But that which 
is worse, my inhabitants and subjects, without 
scarce doing the least offence unto them, have 
been more cruelly slain. But what! shall I say 
^ nothing of myself? Is it not clear unto allien 
" how I have been continually in divers and sundry 
** perils ? I call Grod to veitness, who knows with 
f* what greatness of miseries I have been always 
stifled; and that which yet makes this tempest 
more cruel unto me is, that those who had pro- 
•* mised to make provisions for my good have after- 
** wards fidled me, nor given me the least favour in 
** the world; nor do I hope that ever they vnll do it, 
" except perhaps these made or prepared 

" for or journey most inclined to help me, 

" shall not be moved to undertake such enterprises 
" in my behalf. But to say the truth of it, although 
^ there were succours gathered together, and a most 

assured army of from beyond the seas, certainly 

not without great peril, could they cross the ocean 
" into Scotland in the winter time, which then is 
** wont to be most turbulent and stormy. But the 
** English on the other side, who are not separated 
from the Scots vnth any river interposed between 
them, are able not only in summer, but in winter 
time also, to move war against the Scots them- 
selves, who, when there doth rise up even the 

S This letter to the pope retranslated into English; won* 
was written in Latin « then der not> therefore, if it lose 
translated into Italian^ then some native lustre thereof. 

B b 4 





876 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1571.*^ least occasion of discord between them, are wont 
'^ '*' " suddenly to put themselves effectually into arms. 
Constrained therefore by these principal respects, 
" without I should expose the interest of my life and 
^^ country to the hazard of the greatest dangers, I am 
" by no means able to help it, but that even to my 
^ greatest disadvantage I must make peace with the 
** English, saving always (as they say) my honour and 
^ conscience, because honour doth regard the civil 
" administration, whereby to be able afterwards to 
" rule or govern the commonwealth. Then the 
*^ conscience, as being the form and force divine 
" given to men to direct them to a good end, which, 
^ admitting it to be sometimes straitened and bound 
" with calamities, yet nevertheless may it, neither 
" for tonnents nor for promises of rewards, be ever 
" expelled or deprived from the c(Hnmunion and 
" obedience of the catholic church. But, amongst 
'^ other things, it now happeneth that I must relate 
" to your holiness one thing most truly bitter unto 
^^me; that is, that we are come to those terms 
^^of desiring my only son, the heir of the temporal 
'^ kingdoms, to be delivered by a certain time into 
** the hands of the English, by way of hostage or 
" pledge, reserving to me nevertheless the liberty to 
a{^KHnt him such governors and counsellors after- 
wards as shall best please me. There is, more- 
over, granted lieave of accession mito him, not 
" only for me, but likewise to all those that for 
my sfttisfaf^tian shall be sent into England to visit 
him. Let not your holiness for this cause have 
any doubt but that he shall be not only full of 
" good and holy conversation, but also (though he 
^^ be amongst an unlucky nation) a perfect member 




CMwr^ XVI. of Britain. 3T7 

" of the catholic and apostolic church, and always a. 0.1571. 
ready and prone to help the same. But because — — — 
that by this my letter I may not extend myself in 
greater length beyond my duty, I do conclude 
with this, that I have determined with myself 
** nevertheless to give your holiness to understand 
of my estate, and of all these things which for the 
present do pass between them and me, and of these 
also which shall happen in the journey of any 
" importance ; and because it is a most diflScult 
" thing to put all my occasions in writing, I have 
" for that cause informed the bishop of Dublin with 
" all mine occurrences, as him that is and always 
" hath been my most faithful nuncio, and most 
" lovingly affected towards your holiness and the 
" seat apostolic. May it please your holiness to 
" give faith unto him concerning all the things 
" whereof he shall treat with you in my name. 
" Meantime I pray our Lord God that he by his 
" most holy grace protect the catholic church from 
" all the wicked thoughts of her adversaries, in 
" which case all we have fixed our eyes upon your 
" holiness as upon a most clear light, expecting of 
" the same continually in name of his Divine Ma- 
jesty your most holy benediction ; and all with the 
same mind do desire unto your holiness a most 
'* long life, to the glory of the most mighty God, 
" and comfort of all the faithful. 

" From Chatsworth, in England, the last of Oc- 
« tober, 1570. 

" The most devout Daughter 

" of your Holiness, 

" Mary, the Queen." 

S78 The Ohurch Hisiory of Britain. book rx^ 

^'i^Eite '' Whoso consnlts our state historians in this very 

juncture of time shall find the queen of Scots on 

tolerable terms (daily likely to amend) with queen 
Elizabeth ; yea, now she was in the yertical of her 
favour, wherein henceforward she began to decline, 
principally for practising with the ]>ope and foreign 




Let wtt your maiden modegty be betrayed to a bhah, teeing 
gowrxelf here left alone, eumnmded tw aU eidet iffiih mas- 
caUne Dedtcatiora. It vnll Jceep you in covmtenamce, if 
refiedvii^ y&ar eye either on the fir^ page of this hook, or 
side columms of this page, where you shall find the queen of 
virgint in the front thereof, whose reign in this hook is 
described ,- indeed a portion thereof, being designed to your 
late brother, (now glorious saini,) fails of course to you, 
with his goods and chattels, as his sole executrix. If any 
Latin letters oemr in this section, I doubt not but God tdll 
seasonably prodde you such a consort who, amongst his 
many other virtues, will change you to a happy wife, and 
translate them to your understanding. 

BOUT this time*" deceased Williain A-iJ.^ii?'- 
Alley, bishop of Exeter, a painftil 
preacher, and John Jewel, of Salis-ofiie 
bury, of ■whom largely before, HeEiwerand 
was bom in DeTonshire, bred first inSaiis'"^- 
Merton, then Corpus Christi College, in Oxford; 

» [Anns. Gules, s chevioa wife, Elizabeth^-daugbter of sir 

between three mullets, or. John Daventry. She married 

Daughter of sir John Danvers, m Henry Lee, of Ditchley in 

of Chelsea, (brother to Henry the county of Oxford, hart.] 
earl of DanbT, of whom see the ^ [April 15, 1570. See fail 

Worthies,Ilt,33i,)by his third Life in Wood's Ath. I. [63.I 

380 The Church History book ix. 

^•^* '572- first pupil to, afterwards fellow exile with, Mr. 

Parkhurst in Germany ^. After queen Mary's death, 

Parkhurst durst not for danger return with Jewel, 
but went a securer way, as he supposed, by himself; 
though Jewel came safe and sound home, whilst 
Parkhurst was robbed of all in his return, and re- 
lieved by the other at his journey's end ; and soon 
after both of them were made bishops, Mr. Park- 
hurst of Norwich, and Jewel of Salisbury. 

rfb£*^*^ 2. A jewel (sometimes taken for a single precious 

Jewel. stone) is properly a collective of many, orderly set 
together to their best advantage. So several emi- 
nences met in this worthy man : naturals, artificials, 
(amongst which I recount his studied memory, de- 
serving as well as Theodectes the sophister the 
surname of Mnemonicus,) morals, but principally 
spirituals. So devout in the pew where he prayed, 
diligent in the pulpit where he preached, grave on 
the bench where he assisted, mild in the consistory 
where he judged, pleasant at the table where he fed, 
patient in the bed where he died, that well it were 
if, in relation to him, secundum usum Sarum ® were 
made precedential to all posterity. He gave, at his 
death, to Peter Martyr a ffolden rose, (yet more 
f^grant for the worth of the giver th^ the value 
of the gift ;) to the city of Zurich a present which 
they converted into a piece of plate, with Jewel's 
arms thereon ; to several scholars large legacies ; to 
the church of Salisbury a fair library, and another to 
the church of England — I mean his learned " Apo- 
" logic." It is hard to say whether his soul or his 

^ Vide supra in the first his Life of Bishop Jewels p. 
year of queen Mary. 249. 

^ Laurence Humphrey, in 

CENT. XTi. of Britain. 381 

ejaculations arrived first in heaven^ seeing he prayed a. d. 1572. 
dying and died praying. He was buried in the quire, — '^ 

by bishop Wivill ^ — two champions of the church 
lying together : one who with his sword proffered to 
maintain the lands; the other who with his pen 
defended the doctrine thereof. In the absence of 
doctor Humphreys, designed for that service, Mr. 
Giles Laurence preached his funerals, who formerly, 
being tutor to the children of sir Arthur Darcy ®, by 
Aldgate in London,) in queen Mary's days, preserved 
Jewel's life, and provided accommodation for his 
flight beyond the seas. 

8* Hitherto the bishops had been the more spar- Subscnp- 

• • . :i ji 1 . . -i • tion why 

iHg m pressmg, and others more darmg m denpng now more 
subscription, because the canons made in the convo-"^^'^ 
cation 1563 were not for nine years after confirmed 
by act of parliament ; but now, the same being rati- 
fied by parliamental authority, they began the urging 
thereof more severely than before, which made many 
dissenters keep their private meetings in woods, 
fields, their friends' houses, &c. ^ : I say private 
meetings, for conventicles I must not call them, 
having read what one hath written «^, "That name 
^* (which agreeth to anabaptists) is too light and 
" contemptuous to set forth such assemblies, where 
** God's word and sacraments are administered, even 
" by the confession of their adversaries." 

4, Indeed no disgrace is imported in the notation The true 

notion of a 

of the word conventicle, sounding nothing else but a conventicle. 

^ [Bishop of Salisbury.] ^ Bishop Bancroft, in his 

^ [Probably the younger son English Scottizing, III. 1. 
of Thomas lord Darcy^ of whom % Thomas Cartwright's Se- 

seeStow's Survey, pp. 1 17,1 18, cond Reply, p. 38, ed. 1575. 

382 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1572. small convention. And some will say, can the in- 

fant (the diminutive) be a tenn of reproach, where 

the mother (the primitive) is creditable in the ac- 
ception thereof? However, custom (the sole mint- 
master of current words) hath took of conventicles 
from signifying a small number to denote the meet- 
ing of such (how many soever) in a clandestine way, 
contrary to the commands of the present lawful au- 
T.Cpre- 5. And now Thomas Cartwright, chief of the 

'sentB to the ^ 

parliament noncouformists, prescuts the parliament with a book 
tutedj ad. called " An Admonition," some members taking dis- 
™^*^'^ taste at the title thereof; for, seeing admonition is 
the lowest of ecclesiastical censures, and a prepara- 
tive (if neglected) to suspension and excommunica- 
tion, such suggested, that if the parliament complied 
not with this admonitor's desires, his party (whereof 
he the speaker) would proceed to higher and louder 
fiilminations against the parliament. Whereas ad- 
monition is a soft word in the common, but espe- 
cially in the scripture acception thereof, and may 
with humility on just occasion be tendered from 
inferiors to any single persons or Christian corpora- 
tion ; this admonition contained their grievances who 
presented it, with a declaration of the only way to 
redress them, viz. by admitting that platform which 
was there prescribed. This, not finding the enter- 
tainment it expected, was seconded by another, more 
importunate, to the same effect. 
Bandying 6. It will uot be amiss to set down what writings, 
hJS^twoP^^ 8.nd cow, passed on the occasion of this book, 
'^^IT^ief ^®*^®^^ *wo eminent authors of opposite parties : 
of their i. The Admonition, (first and second,) made by 

"' Mr. Cartwright 

ccvT. XTI. of Britain, S83 

H. The Answer to the Admonition, by Dr. John a. 0.1572. 
WMfegift^ -i^^l^ 

in. TRie Reply to the Answer of the Admonition, 
by Mr. Thomas Cartwright. 

iv. The Defence of the Answer, by Dr. John 

This last kept the field, and, for aught I can find, 
recced no solemn refutation. 

7. Sundry reasons are assigned of Mr. Cartwrighfs Severai*ea- 
silence, all believing as they are affected, and most Cart- 
being affected as led by their interest. Some as- n^trepiyiqg 
cribed it to his weakness, who, having spent all his"***"' 
powder and shot in former fights, was forced to be 
•quiet for the fiiture; others to his pride, (imder- 

^ [" An Answer to a certain ** at London, by Henry Byn- 

" Libel entitled ' An Admo- ** neman, for Humfrey Toye, 

" nition to the Parliament.* " anno 1574." Fol. This was 

•' By John Whitgift, Doctor of followed by 

*' Divinity. Imprinted at Lon- " The second Reply of Tho- 

'* dan, by Henry Bynneman, " mas Cartwright, against Mas- 

" for Humfrey Toy, anno " ter Doctor Whitgift's second 

"1572." 4to. " Answer touching the Church 

A second edition of this book " Discipline. Imprinted 1 575.'* 

was printed in the following 4to. 

year, "newly augmented by *' The rest of the second 

" the author, as by conference ** Reply, &c. Imprinted 1577." 

" shall appear.*' About the 4to. 

same time Cartwright set forth The archbishop carried on 

his reply to the bishop's book, the controversy no further, be- 

entitling it "A Reply to an cause, as he himself most can- 

*' Answer made of M. Doctor didly stated, he was desirous 

** Whitegifte, against the Ad- that Cartwright should '^ use 

" monition to the Parliament. '' his good gifts to the peace 

*• By T. C." 4to.] " and quietness of the church ;" 

i [In 1574 an answer was and indeed for a more substan- 

made by iJ^e archbishop under tial reason, that there was no- 

the following title : *' The De- thing in the second production 

'^ fence of the Answer to the which had not been sufficiently 

** Admonition, against the reply answered in the archbishop's 

" of T. C. By John Whitgift, reply to the first. See Strype's 

'• Doctor of Diivinity- Printed Whitgift, p. 301.] 

384 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1572. valuing what he could not overcome,) counting 
~ — LWhitgift's last answer no answer, but a repetition 
of what was confuted before ; others imputed it to 
his patience, seeing otherwise multiplying of replies 
would make brawls infinite ; and whilst women strive 
for the last word, men please themselves with the 
last reason ; others to the policy of that party, re- 
solving to go a new way to work, and to turn their 
serious books into satirical pamphlets. Some few 
attributed it to Mr. Cartwright's modest respect to 
his adversary, who had gotten the upper ground of 
him, Whitgift being soon after made bishop and 
archbishop ; though, in my mind, this would nK>re 
heighten than abate their opposition. 
The first g. The uoncouformists, though overpowered for 
In England the prescut in parliament, yet found such favour 
Wimds- therein, that after the dissolution thereof they pre* 
SiOTey!" sumed to erect a presbytery at Wandsworth in 
Surrey '^. Eleven elders were chosen therein, and 
their offices and general rules (by them to be ob- 
served) agreed upon and described, as appears by a 
bill indorsed with the hand of Mr. Field, the lec- 
turer, as I take it, of that place, but living in Lon- 
don. Mr. Smith, of Mitcham, and Mr. Crane, of 
Boehampton, (neighbouring villages,) are mentioned 
for their approbation of all passages therein. This 
was the first-born of all presbyteries in England, and 
secundum usum Wandsworth as much honoured by 
some as secundum usum Sarum by others. 
The chief Q. It may scom a wonder that the presbyterian 
formists in discipline should ripen sooner in this country village 
than in London itself*; whereas yet they were not 

^ Bishop Bancroft's English 1 [Not so strange either ; it 
Scottizing, ib. being true, what Br. Sutcliffe 


of Britain, 


arriired at so formal a constitution, though we may a. d. 1564. 
observe two sorts of ministers : "' 

First— 1. Mr. Field. 2. Mr. Wilcox. 3. Mr. 
Standen. 4. Mr. Jackson. 5. Mr. Bonham. 
6. Mr. Seintloe. 7. Mr. Crane. 8. Mr. Edmonds ". 

Afterwards. — 1. Mr. Charke. 2. Mr. Travers. 
8. Mr. Barber. 4. Mr. Gardner. 5. Mr. Cheston, 
6. Mr. Crooke. 7* Mr. Egerton. 8. 

The former of these were principally against 
ministers' attire and the Common Prayer-Book ; the 
latter endeavoured the modelling of a new discipline: 
and it was not long before, both streams uniting 
together, nonconformity began to bear a large and 
great channel in the city of London. 

10. This same year happened a cruel massacre in The masMu 
Paris, the French protestants being bidden thither ""'' 
under the pretence of a nuptial solemnity ; but 
never were such black favours given at a wedding, 
admiral Coligny (the pillar of the reformed church) 
being slain in his bed on Bartholomew-eve, whose 
day then and for some years after was there remark- 
able for wet weather : 

Barthohmeusflet, quia GaUicm occubat Atlas. 

Bartholomew bemoans with rain 
The GaUic Atlas thereon slain. 

observes, that the lowest and 
most ignorant class of the peo- 
ple did put forth themselves as 
ecclesiastical governors, ** to 
*' answer whether the laws they 
'* practise be good or no ; and 
** who must sit judge in the 
" cause? Forsooth Hicke, Hob, 
" and Clem of Clough ; yea, 
and Margaret and Joan too : 



** for they, forsooth, now do 
^' prate apace of discipline, and 
" give us out their censures." 
£pi8t. Dedicatory to hisTreatise 
of Ecclesiastical Discipline, ed. 

"' [This £dmonds afterwards 
conformed. See Bancroft^ ib, 

c c 

S86 The Church History book ix. 

A.D.i57a. William Cecil, lord Burleigh, iiivited to be there", 

^ — wisely kept himself at home; otherwise perchance 

our English Nestor had been sent the same way 
with the French Atlas, and ten thousand protestants 
of name and note slain in that city within three 
TwoimpoB- 11^ Let not the following passage be censured for 

tresses dis- ore 

oovered. Superfluous in this our book, whose omission would 
be condemned as a defect by others © : Agnes Bridges, 
a maid about twenty, and Rachel Pindar, a girl 
about twelve years old, so cunningly coimterfeited 
themselves possessed with the devil, that they de- 
ceived many ministers in London, from whom more 
wisdom and less credulity might justly have been 
expected. Thus these liars belied the fitther of lies 
by their dissimulation ; and now what praying, and 
preaching, and fasting was there to dispossess them, 
to the no small derision of profane persons when 
their forgery was discovered. However, such scoflSng 
may be punished when the others shall have their 
erroneous judgment pardoned and welWntended 
charity rewarded. Soon after those impostresses 
were detected, penance at St. Paul's cross on them 
imposed, by them publicly (and for outward view 
penitently) performed, the present beholders satis- 
fied, the formerly deluded rectified, to be more wise 
and wary for the future. 

Anabaptists ig, Now bcffau the auabaptists wonderfully to 

disoovered. ^ * "^ 

increase in the land ; and as we are sorry that any 
countrymen should be seduced with that opinion, so 
we are glad that English as yet were free from that 

n Camden s Eliz. in hoc " Stow's Chron. p. 678. 

CXNT. xvu of Britain. 887 

infection; for on Easter-day was disclosed a con- a. d. 1575. 

giegation of Dutch anabaptists p, without Aldgate 

in London, whereof seven and twenty were taken 
and imprisoned, and four bearing fagots at Paul's 
cross solemnly recanted their dangerous opinions ^. 

13. Next month one Dutchman and ten women Eleven o£ 

m 1 M I* 1 them cxm- 

were condemned ', of whom one woman was con- demned. 
verted to renounce her errors, eight were banished 
the land, two more so obstinate that command was 
issued out for their burning in Smithfield ; but, to 
reprieve them fSrom so cruel a death, a grave divine 
s^it the following letter to queen Elizabeth, which 
we request the reader to peruse, and guess at the 
author thereof ■ : 

" Serenissima, beatissima princeps, regina illus- a divine's 
** trissima, patriae decus, sseculi omamentum. Ut the queen, 
" nihil ab animo meo omnique expectatione abfiiit^rn^^ 
*• longius, quam ut majestatis tuae amplissimam ex-***®°^- 
" cellentiam molesta unquam interpellatione obtur- 
** barem : ita vehementer dolet silentium hoc, quo 
^ hactenus usus sum constanter, non eadem con- 
*• stantia perpetuo tueri ita ut volebam licuisse. Ita 
** nunc praeter spem ac opinionem meam nescio qua 
** infelicitate evenit,ut quod omnium volebam minime, 
** id contra me maxime faciat hoc tempore. Qui cum 
" ita vixerim hucusque, ut molestus fuerim nemini, 
" invitus nunc cogar contra naturam principi etiam 

P Stew's Chron. p. 679. » [Harl. MSS. No. 416, p. 

4 [See the form prescribed 151. The original draught of 

for their recantation in Hey- this letter is in Fox's own hand, 

lin's Hist, of Presbyt. p. 242, There is also another draught 

reprintedin Wilkins'Conc. IV. of it in the same handwriting 

282.] at p. 155, but differing very 

^ Idem, p. 680. considerably from this.] 

c c 2 

888 The Church History book ix. 

A.D. i575.<< ipsi esse importunus, non re ulla aut causa mea, 

^— " sed aliena inductus calamitate. Quae quo acerbior 

" sit et luctuosior hoc acriores mihi addit ad depre* 
" candum stimulos. NonnuUos intelligo in Anglia 
" hie esse non Anglos, sed adventitios, Belgas quidem 
" opinor, partim viros, partim foeminas, nuper ob 
^' improbata dogmata in judicium advocates. Quo- 
" ruma liquet feliciter reducti publicam luerunt poeni- 
" tentiam, complures in exilium sunt condemnati *, 
" idque rectissime meo judicio factum esse arbitror. 
" Jam ex hoc numero unum esse aut alt^rum audio, 
" de quibus ultimum exustionis supplicium (nisi sue* 
♦^ currat tua pietas) brevi sit statuendum. Qua una 
" in re duo contineri perspicio, quorum alterum ad 
'* errorum pravitatem, alterum ad supplicii acerbita- 
" tern attinet, Ac erroribus quidem ipsis nihil posse 
^^ absurdius esse, sanus nemo est qui dubitat, mirorque 
^' tam fceda opinionum portenta in quosquam po- 
*^ tuisse Christianos cadere. Sed itat est humana 
^^ infirmitatis conditio, si divina paululum luce desti- 
" tuti nobis relinquimur, quo non ruimus prsecipites ? 
. ^' Atque equidem hoc nomine Christo gratias quam 
^* maximas habeo, quod Anglorum hodie neminem 
*' huic insaniae affinem video. Quod igitur ad pha- 
'^ naticas istas sectas attinet, eas certe in republica 
" nuUo mode fovendas esse, sed idonea comprimen- 
" das correctione censeo, Verum enim vero ignibus 
" ac flammis, pice ac sulphure sestuantibus viva 
" miserorum corpora torrefacere judicii magis caB* 
" citate quam impetu voluntatis errantium, durum 
^^ istud ac Bomani magis exempli esse quam evan- 

^ [See the similar expression in the next page.] 

CKNT. xvt. of Britain. 88& 

" gelicse consuettidinis videtur, ao plane ejusmodi, ut a.d. 157s. 

" nisi a Romanis pontificibus, authore Innocentio 

" tertio primum profluxisset^ nunquam istum Perilli 
taurum quisquam in mitem Christi ecclesiam im- 
portavisset. Non quod maieficiis delecter, aut 
erroribus faveam cujusqiiam dicta h«c esse velim. 
vitse hominum, ipse homo quum sira, faveo. Ide- 
oque faveo, non ut erret, sed ut resipiscat. Ac 
neque hominum solum, utinam et pecudibus ipsis 
*' opitulari possem. Ita enim sum (stulte fortassis 
hoc de meipso, at vere dico) macellum ipsum ubi 
mactantur etiam pecudes, vix prsetereo, quin tacito 
quodam doloris sensu mens refugiat. Atque equi- 
" dem in eo Dei ipsius valde admirer venei*orque 
toto pectore clementiam, qui in jutnentis illis brutis 
et abjectis, quae sacrificiis olim parabantur, id pro* 
spexerat, ne prius ignibus mandarentur, quam san^ 
guis eorum ad basin altaris eflRinderetur. Unde 
disceremus in exigendis suppliciis, quamvis justis^ 
non quid omnino rigori Hceat, sed ut dementia 
•* simul adhibita rigoris temperet asperitatem. 

** Quamobrem si tantum mihi apud principis tanti 
majestatem audere hceret, supplex pro Christo 
rogarem clementissimam banc regiae sublimitatis 
•* excellentiam, pro authoritate hac tua qua ad vitam 
" multorum conservandam poUete, te divina voluit* 
" dementia ; ut vitae si fieri possit (quid enim non 
possit iis in rebus authoritas tua) misei'orum par- 
catur, saltem ut horrori obsistatut, atque in aliud 
quodcunque commutetur supplicii genus. Sunt 
ejectiones, inclusiones retrusae, sunt vincula, sunt 
" perpetua exilia, sunt stigmata, et TrXiiyimaTa aut 
" etiam patibula. Id unum valde deprecor, ne pjnras 
*' ac flammas Smythfeldianas jam diu faustissimis tuis 



S90 The Church History book ix. 

A.p- «575'" anspiciis hue usque sopitas sinas nunc recandescere. 

*^ Quod si ne id quidem obtineri possit, id saltern 

** omnibus supplicandi modis efflagito Ttnrro to ireXap- 
^* yiKov pectoris tui implorans, ut mensem tamen unum 
^^ aut alterum nobis concedas, quo interim experia- 
" mur, an a periculosis erroribus dederit Dominus ut 
^^ resanescant, ne cum corporum jactura, animae pari- 
** ter cum corporibus de aetemo periclitentur exitio." 

This letter was written by Mr. John Fox, (from 

whose own hand I transcribed it,) very loath that 

Smithfield, formerly consecrated with martyrs' ashes, 

should now be profaned with heretics', and desirous 

that the papists might enjoy their own monopoly of 

cruelty in burning condemned persons. But though 

queen Elizabeth constantly called him her &ther Fox, 

yet herein was she no dutiful daughter, giving him a 

fiat denial ". Indeed damnable were their impieties, 

and she necessitated to this severity, who having 

formerly punished some traitors, if now sparing these 

blasphemers, the world would condemn her, as being 

more earnest in asserting her own safety than God's 

honour. Hereupon the writ de htBretico comburendo 

(which for seventeen years had hung only up in 

terrorem) was now taken down and put in execution ; 

and the two anabaptists \ burned in Smithfield, died 

in great horror with crying and roaring 7. 

Another 14. I am loath this letter should stand alone, and 

of the same therefore will second it vrith another, (though no- 

^ As to the saving of their were John Peeters and Henry 

lives, if after a month's reprieve Tur west, Flemings horn. See 

and conference with divines, the writ for their execution in 

they would not recant their Rymer's Foed. XV. 740, and 

errors. in Wilkins, IV. 281.] 

' [The names of these men 7 Stow ut prius. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 891 

thing of this nature,) which I may call a private- a. d. 1575. 
public one-^private for the subject, public for the 1- 

use thereof: first, to acquaint us with the character 
of Magdalen College, and generally of all Oxford, 
(not to say England,) in those days; secondly, to 
shew that though Mr. Fox came not up in all par- 
ticulars to cleave the pin of conformity, (as refusing 
to subscribe,) yet he utterly distasted the factious 
people of that age ; lastly, that the papists who mis- 
called him John Lack-Latin may appear as so many 
lack-4Tuths by his fluent and familiar language. 

15. Only a word to the reader, informing himTheocca- 
with the cause of this letter. Samuel, his eldest "°° 
son, bachelor of arts, and fellow of Magdalen College 
in Oxford, travelled beyond the seas, without leave 
either from father or college. At his return he was 
causelessly accused for a papist, and expelled the 
college by a &ction of people, whose names I had 
rather the reader should take from Mr. Fox his pen 
than mine own. And now, as once Tully pro domo 
sua strained all the nerves of his rhetoric, so see 
here bow pathetically this old man pro filio suo 
writes to a reverend bishop * of the church : 

(TVV T(p 2S>.p(p, 

Quando, quomodo, quibus verbis, qua dicendi 
figura pares agam gratias singulari vixque credibili 
** humanitati tuae (vir reverende, idemque doctissime 
** pr^esul) qua me miserum, tot tantisque serumnis 
** obsitum, imo obrutum, literis tam amanter scriptis, 
" et erigere jacentem, et erectum refocillare volueris. 

» [Parker or Whitgift.] have been enabled to correct 

' [Harl. MSS. No. 416, p. various errors in the printed 
15a. The original draught in copy.] This I saw carefully 
Fox's own hand, by which I transcribed out of the original. 

C c 4 

u a 




39s 7%e Church History book tx. 

A.D. 1575." In quo pulchre tu quidem hoc exempio representas, 

—I !l-"quid sit vere episcopum agere in domo Domini. 

Quid enim antistitem vere Christianum, verius vel 

arguit, vel commendat insignius, quam charitas 

ExhiMta •. ^^ toties in Christianis Uteris commedata? Aut ubinam 

" haec ipsa charitas vim suam illustrius poterit ex- 

" plicare, quam in sacro hoc consolandi officio, eV tw 

Trapa/JLvOela-Qai tov9 aOv/JLOvvra^, Koi. yap ei^ Toaraurrjv 

aOvfxiav eviirecrov Tore, ev t£ ema^eWetv are, wtrre 

" ovSeirore ti tS>v aXKtav ovSev efioi avfifi^vai euKatpoTc^ 

pov KOI aKjJLatOTepov, tZv t?? Oeoaefieia^ <rov eKelvfov 

ypafiij.aT(av. Usque adeo tot simul adversse res 

omnem mihi et constantiam et patientiam pene 

expectorabant. Cui enim, quamlibet adamantinum 

" pectus, non constemeret inaudita haec hominum 

'^ ingratissimorum inhumanitas ? in ea presertim 

academia, eoque coUegio, unde nihil unquam ex- 

pectabam minus quam tale aliquid ab iis mihi 

eventurum, quos si non meae senectutis et pauper- 

" tatis ratio commovere, at ipsorum tamen vel hu- 

" manitas vel literarum quas profitentur consuetude, 

" polire ad humaniorem ^ modestiam debuisset. Quod 

" autem de meis vel erga illos vel erga alios meritis, 

*^ honoranda tua pietas humanissime praedicat, in eo 

** TO t5? evjULevelag (rov /leyeOo^ satis coutemplor ; in 

me nihil agnosco eorum quae tribuis. lUud con- 

fiteor, semper cavisse me sedulo, ut si minus pro- 

" desse multis licuerit, nesciens tamen obessem cui- 

" quam, tum minime vero omnium Magdalensibus, 

" quo magis id mihi admirationi habetur, quis tam 

" turbulentus genius factiosa ista Puritanorum capita 

" afflaverit, ut sic violatis gratiarum legibus, spretis 

a [' Commendata' in MS.] 

^ [A few lines are here torn away in the original.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 893 

" meis ad se Uteris et precibus, contempta praesidisA.D. 1575. 

** ipsius intercessione, nulla praemissa admonitione, ^ 

" nee causa reddita, tantam banc in me, filiumque 
** tyrannidem exercuerint. Atque vero ut hoc iis 
** concedam, non tarn purum esse et immunem ab 
" omni nsevo filium meum, atque sunt isti ter puri 
** PuHtani. At in his tamen ngeyis illius, nullum 
** adhuc comperi to Kapcpo^ tam magnum, quin majores 
" forte ra^ SoKovg in moribus ipsorum conspicere liceat. 
" Et ubi interim fraterna ilia inter fratres admonitio, 
" quam tantopere exigit evangelica cautio ? ubi dis- 

** ciplina ilia apostolica eXey^ov, eirnlixricrov^ irapaKOL^ 

** \€<Tov ? Certe plusquam atrox facinus intercedat 
** oportet, quod tam atroci ejectionis vindicatione 
" luendum sit ; sed latet in hac herba alius fortasse 
" anguis, quam quia isti proferre non audent, ego in 
" lucem producam. Flagrat collegium hoc horribili 
** factione, cujus altera pars propensioribus studiis 
•* incumbit in suum praesidentem ; altera istorum 
est quos dice rHv KaOaporepcov^ qui modis omnibus 
dant operam ut partes sui prsesidis labefactent, ip- 
sumque vel in suam redigant potestatem, vel sede 
prorsus evertant. Quia vero filius mens cum altero 
ejus collega, prsefecto suo, ita ut par erat, inclina- 
tior videbatur, propterea societate exhaeredatur. 
" Accedit huic et alia causa^ quam tam filio quam 
•* mihi ipsi imputo. 

Quod si enim is essem, qui perbacchari cum eis 
contra episcopos, et archi-episcopos, aut scribam 
me praebere illorum ordini, hoc est, insanire cum 
" illis voluissem, nunquam istos in me aculeos exa- 
cuissent. Nunc quia totus ab iis alienus partes 
" illas sectari maluerim, quae modestiae sunt, et pub- 
" licae tranquiilitatis, hinc odim in me conceptum 






394 I%€ Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1575/* jam diu^, in banc demum efferbuit acerbitatem. 

_! L " Quod cum ita sit, non jam quid mea causa velitis 

" facere, id postulo, quin potius quid vestra ipsorum 
*^ causa cogitandum sit, vos qui proceres estis 
*^ ecclesise etiam atque etiam deliberatse. Quod ad 
^^ me autem attinet, quamyis erepta filio societas 
*^ baud leni afficit animum aegritudine, tamen quia 
res privata agitur, boc fero moderatius. Magis me 
commovet publicae ecclesiae ratio. Videor enim 
" suboriri quoddam bominum genus, qui si invales- 
" cant, viresque in boc regno colligant, piget bic 
" referre, quid futurae perturbationis prsBsagit mibi 
" animus. Olim sub monacborum fucata bypocrisi 
^^ quanta sit nata lues religioni Cbristianse, minime 
ignorat prudentia tua. Nunc in istis nescio quod 
novum monacborum genus reviviscere videtur, 
" tanto illis pemiciosius, quanto calidiore fallendi 
" artificio sub praetextu perfectionis personati isti 
" bistriones gravius occultant venenum. Qui dum 
omnia exigunt ad strictissimae suae disciplinae et 
conscientiae gnomones, baud videntur prius desituri, 
" donee omnia in Judaicam redigant servitutem. Sed 
" de iis alias, pleniore fortassis manu, eai/ eiriTpeirri 6 

^ KVpi09* 

" Interim celeberrimae tuae dignitati vir bonorande*, 
^ cum publico ecclesiae nomine, et animum istum, 
" et sedem quam tenes merito gratulor, tum mea 
" privatim causa ob singulare tuum in me studium 
" gratias babeo permaximas. Precorque Dominum 
"omnium gratiarum fontem cumulatissimum, ut 
" ecclesiam suam periculosissimis iis temporibus pro- 

^ [Here a few lines are lost, corresponding to the reverse of 
those above.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 896 

** pugnet ac tueatur, ut pastores se dignos faveat,A.D. 1575. 

I O XillZ* 

" proYehatque, turn inter istos, te inprimis sacns 

" ipsius bonis donisque indies magis magisque locu- 

** pletet, 09 Kav a-oi avairoSolti ra^ Icrofierpovg afioifia^ 
** Tffg irapcucXii(r€(o^, ^9 l^ev fioi *jrap€i')(ov ra TrapaKXpjriKa 

** tSi/. ypafA/jLarofv crov. Amplissime juxta ac oraatis- 
** sime praesul, 

" Tuus in Christo KaSSvva/uLiv^ 

" Joannes Foxus." 

If this good man appeareth too passionate herein, 
score it neither on his old age nor on his affection to 
his son, but on the unjust affront offered unto him, 
who at last was restored fellow by the queen her 
mandate ; and he privately cast out by a faction, to 
his great disgrace, was publicly brought in again by 
authority, to his greater reputation. 

16. We may plainly perceive, by this letter, how The vio- 
powerful the party of nonconformists was grown atJ^dnL 
this time, and to what violences and extravagancies ^"^*^*™"'*** 
some went in their practices; insomuch that Dr. 
Humphry, then president of Magdalen's, and Mr. 

Fox himself, (both which scrupled subscription in 
some particulars,) were deserted by them as luke- 
warm and remiss in the cause. Yea, even of those 
who were duriores puritani all were not equally 
rigid ; but Coleman, Burton, Hallingham, and Benson 
outdid all of their own opinions. Thus those loaves 
which are eftisdem fariruB (of the same meal, yea of 
<me hatch, out of the same oven) are not all hard 
and crusty alike. 

17. The death of Matthew Parker, archbishop of The death 
Canterbury, added much to their increase. He was of Matthew 


a Parker indeed, careful to keep the fences and shut [May 17. 


396 The Church History book ix« 

A.D. 1575. the gates of discipline against all such night-stealers 
-i as would invade the same. No wonder, then, if the 

His memo- 

tongues and pens of many were whetted against him, 
whose complaints are beheld by discreet men like 
the exclamations of truantly scholars against their 
master's severity, correcting them for their faults. 
This archbishop was an excellent antiquary, (without 
any anticknesse,) a great benefactor to Bennet College 
in Cambridge, on which he bestowed many manu- 
scripts, so that that library (for a private one) was 
the sun of English antiquity in those days ; though 
now no more than the moon, since that of sir Robert 
Cotton's is risen up. 
^^^ 18. But a large author, though not daring to deny 
lewJy as- due praises to his memory, causelessly taxed him for 
being too pontifical in his buildings and feastings; 
particularly he charged him, that whereas the pope 
thundered out an excommunication against queen 
Elizabeth, yet, saith he, " I read of no refutation 
" made of it by this arch-prelate ;" as if this were 
such a sin of omission in him, and he bound by his 
place to answer every Romish railing Rabshekah **. 
But let him know that in his learned book of Anti-- 
qtdtates Britannic(B he hath laid down those histo- 
rical grounds which may be iipproved to the baiting 
of the whole herd of popish bulls, or, if you will, to 
make all those bubbles sink to nothing : a work out 
of which his accuser hath taken so much, that he 
cannot pretend to the commendation of industry, 
(the poorest praise of a writer,) being no better than 
a lazy translator. And as the spleen is subservient 

c Mr. Prynne in his Antipathy of Lordly Prelacy, part I. 
p. 149. 

c£MT. XVI. of Britain. 397 

to tlie liver, to take from it only the most putrid and a.d. 1575. 

feculent blood, so hath he solely transcribed thence, 

and from bishop Godwin's Catalogue, the faults and 
filings of all the English prelacy, passing over in 
silence their due and just commendation. Edmund 
Grindal succeeded him in his place, a prelate most 
primitive in all his conversation. 

19. We must not forget Margaret the wife ofHisexem- 
archbishop Parker, a pattern for all prelates' wives. ^ 

In the reign of king Henry the Eighth, though 
seven years contracted, (by mutual consent forbearing 
marriage, then unlawful for clergymen,) such her 
fidelity, that she was deaf to richer proffers ; when 
married under Edward the Sixth, so modest, that 
bishop Ridley asked whether Mrs. Parker had a 
sister, intimating that such a consort would make 
him recede from his resolution of a single life ^ ; in 
queen Mary's days not only great her patience to 
partake of, but industry to relieve her husband's 
wants ; in queen Elizabeth's time so admirable her 
humility, as no whit elated vrith prosperity. 

20. Sir Francis Inglefield, (of whom formerly in Privilege 

- n -IT n 1 i» 1 V 1 obtained by 

the college of Valladolid,) to leave a monument to sir Francis 
posterity of his industry and good-will to the catholic fo/jEngiish 
cause, he, with William Allen, obtained of pope**^°^**' 
Gregory the Thirteenth thirteen indulgences for the 
English nation and the well-wishers of their conver- 
sion e ; whereof this the first : 

d In D. Parker's Life, ex- ** Snare," p. 75, sq. Sir Fran- 

tant in Trinity Hall Library cis Inglefield was a very zeal- 

in Cambridge. ous supporter of the Roman 

^ c [See other instances of catholic cause ; he kept up a 

^ these indulgences granted to continual correspondence with 

different Englishmeli, in Gee's father Parsons, and. assisted 

*• New Shreds of the old Saunders, supporting him for 

898 Tlu Church Hutory book ix. 

A.D. 1575. « That whosoever should cany about him such 

" consecrated beads» fast on Wednesday, forbear one 

" meal on Saturday, pray for the holy father the 
" pope, the peace of the church, and chiefly for the 
^^ reconciling of England, Scotland, and Ireland to 
^^ the church of Rome, should have an hmkbed 
" years' pardon ; but if this fast be observed with 
" bread and water, a thousand years' pardon." 

It may seeni in some sort an argument for the 
antiquity of those indulgences, that they resent of the 
vivacity of the ancient patriarchs before the Flood 
in pardoning so many years above the possibility of 
our age. Now what becometh of the surplusage of 
these pardons, after the party's life, let others dis- 
pute ; namely, whether indulgentia moritur cum per-- 
sona, or whether they be bequeathable by will, and 
in ease the person dies intestate, fall, like goods and 
chattels, to his next heir. Sure I am sir Francis is 
beheld by catholics as a benefector-general to our 
nation ; and these grants were solemnly passed svh 
annvlo piscatoris, and Glarierius attesting the same. 
This sir Francis was afterwards buried in the English 
college at Valladolid in Spain, having bountifully 
contributed to the erecting thereof. 
Th^d'^'h' ^^' James Pilkington, bishop of Durham, ended 
of bishop his life, formerly master of St. John's College in 
[Jim" aao Cambridge. He was (as appeareth by many of his 
letters) a great conniver at nonconformity, and emi- 
nent for commencing a suit against queen Elizabeth 
for the lands and goods of the earls of Northumber- 
land and Westmoreland, after their attainder, as 

twelve years. See Strype's tise De Lutheranorum Dissi- 
An. IV. 1 92^ and the Life of diis circa Justificationem^ Co- 
Saunders, prefixed to his trea- Ion. Agrip. 1594.] 

CJCVT. XTi. of Britain. 899 

forfeited to him, prince palatine within his diocese, a. D. 1576. 
But the queen prevailed, because on her charges she ^ 

had defended bishop and bishopric against that re- 
bellion, when both his infant daughters (conveyed 
away in beggars' clothes) were sought for to be 
killed by the papists. These afterwards, with four 
thousand pounds apiece, were married, the oiie to 
sir Henry Harrington, the other to Mr. Dunce of 
Berkshire ; which portions the courtiers of that age 
did behold with envious eyes, for which the bishopric 
sped no whit the better. 

22. The same year concluded the life of Edward And of Mr. 
Deering *, an eminent divine, bom of a very ancient ^' 
and worthy family in Kent, bred fellow of Christ's 
College in Cambridge, a pious man and painful 
preacher, but disaffected to bishops and ceremonies. 
Once, preaching before queen Elizabeth, he told her 

that when in persecution under her sister queen 
Mary, her motto was tanquam ovis, as a sheep ; but 
now it might be tanquam indomita juvenca^ as an 
untamed heifer. But surely the queen still retained 
much of her ancient motto as a sheep, in that she 
patiently endured so public, and conceived causeless, 
reproof, m inflicting no punishment upon him, save 
commanding him to forbear fiirther preaching at the 

23. Rowland Jenkes, a popish bookseller, was a strange 
indicted at the summer assizes in Oxford for dis- S^bxfodi. 
persing of scandalous pamphlets defamatol'y to the 
queen and state. Here, on a sudden, happened a 
strange mortality, whereof died 

^ [He was father of the celebrated sir Edward Deering.] 

400 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1576. Sir Robert Bell, lord chief baron, a great lawyer. 
'^ ^"'' Sir Robert De Oile. 

Sir William Babington. 
Mr. De Oile, high sheriff. 

Mr. Wenman, Mr. Danvers, Mr. Fettiplace, Mr. 
Harcourt, justices. 

Mr. Kerle, Mr. Greenwood, Mr. Foster, Mr. 
Nash, gentlemen of good account. 

Sergeant Bemham, an excellent pleader. 

Almost all the jurymen, and of other persons there 
present three hundred died in the town ^, and two 
hundred more, sickening there, died in other places 
within a month ; amongst whom not either woman 
or child ^. 
Improved 24. Saudors calleth this inqens miractdum, and 

by papists , , 

to their ascriboth it as a just punishment on the cruelty of 

vantage. ^^^ judgo for Sentencing the stationer to lose his 

ears ^ ; adding moreover, that the protestants (whose 

philosophers and physicians could not find the natural 

cause thereof) gave it out that the papists by magic 

arts had procured this infection. The best is, his 

words are no slanders. 

Sir Francis 25. But hear how a profound scholar, no less 

judgment happy iu finding than diligent in searching the mys- 

tioussmdis. teries of nature, and utterly unconcerned in this 

quarrel, delivereth his judgment in the like case ^ : 

'^ The most pernicious infection, next to the 
" plague, is the smell of the gaol, when prisoners 
" have been long and close, nastily kept ; whereof 

fS Camden's Eliz. in hoc an. ^ Natural Hist. Cent. X. 

^ Stow's Chron. p. 681. No. 914. 

i De Schism. Angl. p. 300. 


of Britain. 





we have had experience twice or thrice in our a. d. 1577. 
time, when both the judges that sat upon the gaol ^° 
and numbers of those that attended the business, 
or were present, sickened upon it and died. 
Therefore it were good wisdom that, in such cases, 
the gaol were aired before they be brought forth ; 
otherwise most dangerous are the smells of man's 
flesh, or sweat putrified; for they are not those 
stinks, which the nostrils straight abhor and expel, 
which are most pernicious ; but such airs as have 
some similitude with man's body, and so insinuate 
themselves, and betray the spirits ^" 

1 [Mr. Gilpin, in his ^' Life 
** of Bernard Gilpin," p. t 39, 
has preserved an original letter^ 
written by an Oxford student 
resident at that time in the 
university, describing the effects 
of this sickness. '' The terrible 
" distemper among us/' says 
the writer, " of which you have 
** undoubtedly heard, hath made 
'* it indeed a dreadful time to 
" us. During the first six days 
" there died ninety-five, se- 
** v.enty of whom were scholars. 
" This is not conjecture, but 
** appears from the mayor's list. 
" The infection does not con- 
" fine itself to the town, but 
'' begins to spread in the coun- 
" try, where, if our accounts 
are true, it hath carried off 
numbers of people. Those 
'' who are seized with it are in 
" the utmost torment ; their 
** bowels are burnt up, they 
" call earnestly for drink, they 
** cannot bear the touch of 
clothes, they entreat the 
standers-by to throw cold 
" water upon them ; some- 








** times they are quite mad, 
" rise upon their keepers, run 
" naked out of houses, and 
" often endeavour to put an 
*^ end to their lives. The phy- 
** sicians are confounded, de- 
claring they have met with 
nothing similar either in their 
*' reading or practice ; the 
*' greater part 6f them, I am 
" told, have now left the town, 
'' either out of fear for them. 
" selves, or conscious that they 
*^ can do no good. This dread- 
*' ful distemper is now gene- 
*' rally attributed to some jail 
'* infection brought into court 
** at the assizes ; for it is re- 
" markable that the first in- 
" fected were those only who 
" had been there. Few women 
'* or old men have died." 

Some valuable remarks, con- 
taining a detailed account of 
the progress and effects of this 
distemper, have been printed 
in Wood's History of the Uni- 
versity under this year. Dr. 
Birch likewise has inserted, in 
tho Philosophical Transactions, 


402 The Church History book ix. 

-^•^vl577- Of these mortalities, mentioned by this author, 

the first probably was this at Oxford, happening 

within the verge of youthful memory ; the other two 
at Hereford, in the reigns of king James and king 
Charles. The like chanced, some four years since, 
at Croydon in Surrey, where a great depopulation 
happened, at the assizes, of persons of quality ; and 
the two judges, baron Yates and baron Rigby, get- 
ting their banes there, died few days after. Yet 
here no papists were arraigned to amount it to a 
popish miracle ; so that Sanders his observation is 
no whit conclusive, natural causes being afforded of 
such casualties. 
Many a gg^ ^^Q j^av remember how, in the year one 

pnest exe- -^ "^ 

cuted. thousand five hundred seventy and one, a severe law 
was made against such who brought any superstitious 
trinkets (badges of the Romish vassalage) into Eng- 
land. This law lay dormant for these last six years, 
and was never put into execution, that papists might 
not pretend themselves surprised into punishment 
through the ignorance of the law, so long a time 
being allowed xmto them that they might take 
serious cognizance of the said statute in this behalf; 
and therefore let such catholics who complain of 
cruelty herein produce a precedent of the like lenity 
amongst them used to offenders. But now one 
Nor. 29. Cuthbert Maine, a priest, was drawn, hanged, and 
quartered at Launceston in Cornwall, for his ob- 
stinate maintaining of the papal power; and one 
Trugion, a gentleman of that county, was condemned 
to loss of all his goods, and perpetual imprisonment, 
for affording harbour unto him •". 

some extracts from the regis- m [gee Bridgewater's Con- 
ters of Merton College respect- certatio^ f. 50, 291^ 30 t.] 
ing the ravages of this disease.] 


of Britain. 


27. Hitherto the English bishops had been viva- a. d. 1577 
cious almost to wonder ; for, necessarily presumed of _il.^!l!L 
good years before entering on their office, in the^tyj/^*" 
first of queen Elizabeth, it was much that but five^^^^^^ 
died for the first twenty years of her reign ; whereas bishops. 
now seven deceased within the compass of two 

years °. Thus when a generation of contemporary 
persons begins to crack, it quickly falls ; and the 
leases of their clay cottage, commencing, it seems, 
much from the same date, at the same term did 
expire. We will severally reckon them up, the 
rather because all the remarks of church history for 
those two years is folded up in their characters. 

28. Nicholas BuUingham began the breach, trans- 'I'he death 
lated from Lincoln to Worcester, whereat my author® BuUmg- 
doth much admire, conceiving (belike) such advance- ^^ 
ment a degradation ; and can only render this reason, 

that for his own ease he changed a larger for a 
lesser diocese. But what if Worcester were also the 
better bishopric, and so the warmer seat for his old 

29- William Bradbridge, bred in Magdalen College Jan. 27. 
in Oxford, bishop of Exeter, was snatched away with 
a sudden death ; and in the same year Edmund 
Guest, bishop of Salisbury, bred in King's College 
in Cambridge, who wrote many books, (reckoned up Feb. 28. 

" We account in this num- 
ber not any popish bishops, nor 
Scory and Barlow, protestants, 
made in the reign of king Ed« 

^ Sir J. Harrington, II. p. 

P [Of BuUingham, see Wood's 
Ath. 1. 702. He was translated 
to Worcester in 1 5 7 1 . The writ 

for restoring to him the tem- 
poralities of this see, dated 
Feb. 14, is printed by Rymer, 
XV. 689. He died 1 8th April, 
1576^ and was succeeded by 
Whitgift, afterwards archbi- 
shop of Canterbury. Brad- 
bridge died in 1578, and Guest 
in 1576.] 

D d 2 


The Church History 


A. D. 1578. by John Bale,) bought and bestowed more on the 

library of Salisbury, the case whereof was built by 

bishop Jewel. 
ch^ey, a ^^' Richard Cheyney, bishop of Bristol, holding 
great Lu- Gloucester therewith in dispensation, bred in Cam- 

theran, *- 

wrongfully bridge, of whom Mr. Camden giveth this character, 
die a papist, that he was Luthero addictissimus, "most addicted 
" to Luther *i." Bishop Godwin saith, Luthero addic- 
tior fortasse quam par eraty " Perchance more ad- 
[Aprii 35.] " dieted to Luther than was meet ' ;" adding, more- 
over, that in the first convocation in the reign of 
queen Mary he so earnestly opposed popery, that 
he wondereth how he escaped with life. But I 
wonder more how, since his death, the scandalous 
rumour is raised that he died a papist, suspended 
by archbishop Grindal from his episcopal function ; 
and this one, his successor in that see, will persuade 
others to believe *. 

31. However, the words of Mrs. Goldsborough, 
(widow to bishop Goldsborough, of Gloucester,) a 
grave matron, prevailed with me to the contrary; 
who at a public entertainment, in the presence of 
many, and amongst them of my judicious friend \ 
gave a just check to this false report, and avowed 
that to her knowledge he died a true and sincere 
protestant ". 

His vindi- 

4 Camd. in his Eliz. 1559. 

^ In his catalogue of the 
bishops of Gloucester. 

s All my search cannot find 
out such an instrument in any 
office. [The successor men- 
tioned here is bishop Grood- 

* Mr. Langley, the worthy 
schoolmaster of St. Paul's. 

^ [Strype has preserved some 
interesting anecdotes respecting 
him in his Annals, I. 280. The 
secret of this bishop's inclina- 
tion to Lutheranism consisted 
in this, that he disliked the 
proceedings of Hooper, his 
predecessor in the see of Glou- 
cester, who, as Strype observes^ 
" did not much affect ceremo- 


of Britain. 


32. Robert Home succeeded, bom in the bishop- a. d. 1578. 

^ «i Eliz. 

ric of Durham, bred at St. John's in Cambridge, one 
valido et fcecundo ingenio^ (saith my author,) " of a June i. 
" spriteful and fruitful wit ^ ;" one who would go 
through whatsoever he undertook, be it against 
papists or nonconformists ; and his adversaries' play- 
ing with his name (as denoting his nature hard and 
inflexible) nothing moved him to abate of his reso- 

33. Thomas Bentham followed him, bishop offoiiowed 

by bishop 

Coventry and Lichfield, bred in Magdalen College Bentham. 

Feb. 21. 

•* nies either of habits or oma- 
** meats of religion, nor allowed 
*' of any manner of corporeal 
*' presence in the sacrament." 
.These statements were dili- 
gently promulgated by Hooper 
and his clerks^ and had gained 
strength and influence in Che- 
ney's time* who, on the con- 
trary, was for retaining many 
of the ancient customs, and 
opposed the removal of images, 
pictures, and cruciHxes from 
their places in the church. 
Grindal, whose sentiments 
leaned to the extremities of 
puritanism, not only disliked 
him^ but appears to have taken 
some active steps against him ; 
and treasurer Cecil, a back 
friend of the church, who is said 
to have revised Camden's His- 
tory^ may not improbably have 
influenced the historian's pen. 
Strype has summed his cha- 
racter with impartiality, in the 
following words : " He was an 
" excellent man, both in his 
" nature and his learning, his 
" urbanity and his manners. 
"' He kept good hospitality for 





" the citizens and other good 
" men, and preserved his palace 
'* and farms in good case and 
'* condition. He was in judg- 
'* ment for the unerring of 
'^general councils; and when 
" that of Carthage was objected 
" to him, how it erred about 
*' the baptism of heretics, he 
" said that the Holy Ghost 
was promised not to one pro- 
vince, but to the church ; 
adding, that no doctrine could 
be shewn that had universally 
*' decei ved an oecumenical coun- 
*' cil. And on this he built his 
** real presence in the sacra- 
" ment : because this was the 
ancient faith, and the Chris- 
tian world and the company 
of bishops, who were the 
" keepers of that which was 
" committed to the church, 
** (custodes depositi,) held this 
** doctrine. And he used to 
'* commend these as the inter. 
'* preters of scripture." He died 
April 2 5, 1 5 79, between the age 
of ve and sixty-six.] 

X Camden's Eliz. in arniQ 
1559. [He died June 1, 1580.] 





406 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1578. in Oxford, of whose Christian valour in that college, 

against superstition in queen Mary's reign, we have 

spoken before y. 
The death 34. Richard Cox, bishop of Ely, concludes this 

of bishop ^ '' 

Cox. bill of mortality, tutor to king Edward the Sixth, 
" ^ * of whom largely before in the troubles at Frankfort. 
I am sorry so much is charged on his memory, and 
so little can be said in his vindication, and would 
willingly impute it, not to his want of innocence, but 
ours of intelligence. It moves me much his accusa- 
tion of covetousness ^ dilapidating, or rather delig- 
nating his bishopric, cutting down the woods thereof, 
for which he fell into the queen's displeasure ; but 
am more offended at his taking (if true) the many 
ancient manuscripts from Oxford, under the pretence 
of a visitation. He was an excellent poet, though 
the verses written on his own tomb are none of the 
best, and scarce worth our translating : 

Vita caduca vale^ salveto vita jpermnis^ 
Corpus terra tegity spiritm alta petit ; 
In terra ChriMi gallus Christum remnabam^ 
Da Christe in ccelisy te sine fine sonem. 

Frail life farewell, welcome life without end ! 
Earth hides my corpse, my soul doth heav'n ascend ; 
Christ's cock on earth, I chanted Christ his name. 
Grant without end in heaven I sound the same ! 

It seems some took exceptions at the epitaph, as 
parcel-popish, because (though supposing his pos- 

y [See also the Worthies, 106, [who mentions this cir- 

III. p. 410. He died in 1579.] cumstance as a mere suggestion 

2 Said to feed his serv- whispered against him to bring 

ants with powdered venison, him into disrepute with queen 

(shrewdly hurt,) to save other Elizabeth. He died in 1581. 

meats. Sir J. Harrington^ ii. Strype, An. III. i. p. 37.] 

CENT. XVI. of' Britain, 407 

jsession) prajring for the perpetuation of his hap- a. d. 1578. 
piness ; and on that account, twenty years after his Jtll^ 

death, it was partly demolished. 

35. This year also sir Thomas Gresham ended his Gresham 
life, whose Royal Exchange in London, with all the founded by 
magnificence thereof, could not properly entitle him g^w** 
to a mention in this our Church History, had he not 

also by his will bequeathed maintenance for the 
erecting of a college in Bishopsgate Street, allowing 
an annual salary of fifty pounds to several professors 
in divinity, civil law, physic, astronomy, geometry, 
music, and rhetoric. It is therefore no mistake in 
•Mercator * when counting three universities in Eng- 
land — Cambridge, Oxford, and London ; seeing the 
last may be so esteemed, both in relation to the inns 
of court and this college. 

36. The Family of Love began now to grow soTheob- 
numerous, factious, and dangerous, that the privy ^^^ o^jhe 
council thought fit to endeavour their suppression. ^*°"^'^' 
Being now to deduce the original of this sect, we 
desire that the clock of time on the margin of our 

book may stand still, intending not to discompose 
the method of years therein; though we go back- 
ward for a while in our history, to fetch in the be- 
ginning of these Familists. Most obscure was their 
original, according to the apostle's w^ords. There are 
certain men crept in unawares ^ — crept in, shewing 
the slowness of their pace and the lowness of their 
posture ; the latter proceeding partly from their 
guiltiness, not daring to go upright, to justify, avouch, 
and maintain their doctrine ; partly out of policy, to 
work themselves in the more invisibly ^. But these 

a In his Atlas, p. 66. « Isaiah xxx. 6. 

^ Jude 4. 

Dd 4 


Tlie Church HlHory 


A.D. 1578. creepers at first turned fliers afterward, (flying ser- 

pents no contradiction ;) so that tile state accounted 

it necessary to cut down their arrogancy and increase, 
whose beginning, with the means thereof, we come 
now to relate. 

37. One Henry Nicholas **, born in Amsterdam, 

their first 





^ [An account of Nicholas 
and his sect was published by 
John Rogers, in a little volume 
entitled " The Displaying of 
an horrible Sect of gross 
and wicked Heretics, naming 
'^ themselves the Family of 
'^ Love ; with the Lives of 
their Authors, and what Doc- 
trine they teach in comers. 
'* Newly set forth by J. R. 
•' Whereunto is added certain 
** Letters sent from the same 
'^ family maintaining their opi- 
'* nions^ which Letters are an- 
" swered by the same J. R. 
•• Lond. 1579." The first edi- 
tion was printed in 1578. In 
his preface the author says, 
** Touching his [Nicholas*] 
*' person atid behaviour, I have 
•• the testimony of divers an- 
** cient persons, and of good 
'* credit, of the Dutch church, 
^* who have been acquainted 
** with the same H. N., and 
" have dwelt together in one 
" city and in one street, being 
*' near neighbours and familiar 
" friends, who have declared 
" and testified the certainty of 
" his behaviour and demeanour. 
" And touching his doctrine I 
" have used this order, to set 
* * down the author's own speech, 
" not adding or diminishing 
*• any thing, with the name of 
" the book, chapter, and folio.'* 
This Henry Nicholas was a 

disciple of the notorious David 
George, who fled from Holland, 
his native country, for fear of 
being discovered and punished 
by the magistrates. He died 
at London, the 1 6th of August^ 
1556, and was buried in the 
parish church of St. Leonard's. 
Many of his disciples forsook 
his heresies after his death, de- 
ceived in the assurance he had 
made them that he should never 
die ; but if he did, he i^ould 
rise again within three years, 
and fulfil all his former pro- 
mises. But Henry Nicholas 
still continued in his errors, 
disseminating them in his own 
name, and giving out that he 
had received them by an imme- 
diate revelation from God. His 
principal disciple was one Chris- 
topher Vittel, a joiner, dwellii^ 
sometime in Southwivk, who 
went up and down the country 
to make proselytes, and trans- 
lated these books of Nicholas^ 
which were written in the 
Dutch language. 

Further information respect- 
ing this sect, principally derived 
from contemporary pamphlets, 
will be found in Pagitt's He- 
resiography, p. 105, sq. ; Dr. 
Henry More's Grand Explana- 
tion of the Mystery of God- 
liness, Lib. VI. c. 12 — 18; 
Jo. Hornbeck, Summa Contro- 
vers. Lib. VI. p. 393 ; and a 

CfiNT. XVI. 

of Britain, 


first vented this doctrine (about the year 1550) in a. d. 1580. 

his own country. He was one who wanted learning L 

in himself, and hated it in others, and yet was con- 
ceived, (which at first procured pity unto him,) 
though of wild and confused notions, with absurd 
and improper expressions, yet of honest and harm- 
less intentions. Men thought him unable, both to 
manage his apprehensions whole, (as to make sense 
of them,) and too weak by distinctions to parcel and 
divide them, wanting logic for that purpose ; and 
yet they charitably conceived his mind might be 
better than his mouth, and that he did mean better 
than he could interpret his own meaning ; for, meet- 
ing with many places in scripture * which speak the 
union and communion of Christians with Christ, 
Christ with God, (how quickly are mysteries made 
blasphemies when unskilful hands meddle vrith 
them,) he made of them a most carnal-spiritual 

38. Yea, in process of time he grew so bad, that His mock- 
charity itself would blush to have a favourable g^ie. 
thought of his opinions. Not content to confine 
his errors to his own country, over he comes into 
England, and in the latter end of the reign of 
king Edward the Sixth joined himself to the Dutch 
congregation in London, where he seduced a number 
of artificers and silly women ; amongst whom two 

tract entitled " A Confutation 
•' of certain Articles delivered 
•• nnto the Family of Love ; 
" with the Exposition of Theo- 
** philus, a supposed Elder in 
*' the same Family, upon the 
•• same Articles. By William 
•' Wilkinson, M.A., from Cam- 
" bridge. Sept.30,1579. With 

'* a brief and true Description 
" of the first springing up of 
** the Heresy termed the Fa- 
'* mily of Love. With Notes 
*' collected out of their Gospel 
" by J[ohn] Y[onge,] bishop 
•• of Rochester. Lond. 1579." 

« John xvii. 21^ 22, 23, &c. 


The Church History 


A. D. 1580. daughters of one Warwick (to whom he dedicated 

— '■ an epistle) were his principal perverts. Mr. Martin 

Micronius and Mr. Nicholas Charineus^, then the 
ministers of the Dutch congregation, zealously con- 
futed his errors ; but it seems their antidotes pierced 
not so deep as his poisons. Many of our English 
nation were by him deceived ; and may the reader 
but peruse this his mock-apostolic style, (his charm 
to delude silly people therewith,) and let him tell 
me whether the ape did not well deserve a whip for 
his over-imitation therein 5 : 

" ^ H. N., through the grace and mercy of God, 

f [According to the tract 
published by Kiiewstub, f. 89, 
b, (see below^) Charinaeus died 
about the beginning of Sept. 

8 In his Evangelium Regni, 
or the Gospell and joyfull Mes- 
sage of the Kingdome. [In 
the year 1580 a proclamation 
was issued against this book 
and its author. See it in Wil- 
kins, IV. 297. The Evange- 
lium Regni was originally writ- 
ten in German, from which it 
was translated into Latin. A 
copy of this Latin translation 
is in the Bodleian; it is a small 
volume in 1 2mo, without date, 
printer's or author's name. A 
great part of this was translated 
into English by J. Newstub, 
in his answer to Nicholas, en. 
titled *' A Confutation of mon- 
" strous and horrible Heresies 
" taught by H. N., and em- 
" braced of a number who call 
" themselves the Familie of 
" Love. By J. Knewstub. 
" Seene and allowed, &c. Im- 
'* printed in London, at the 

" Three Cranes in the Vine- 
*' tree, by Thomas Dawson, for 
" Richard Crozier. 1579." 4to. 
Black letter. This book is de- 
dicated to Ambrose [Dudley,] 
earl of Warwick. At the end 
of it is *' A Confutation of the 
*' Doctrine of David George 
" and H. N., the father of the 
" Familie of Love. By M. 
'* Martyn Micronius, Minister 
** of the Woorde in the Dutche 
" Churche at London, under 
" Edward the VI. of blessed 
" memory, king of England; 
" taken out of his booke 
** concerning holy assemblies, 
*^ whiche hee wrote in Latine a 
'* litle before his death, at Nord 
" in East Freeslande ; which 
*' also afterwards M. Nicholas 
<' Carinseussetfoorthpubliquely 
" in printe, certain things being 
" added unto it, translated 
** woorde for woorde into Eng- 
'* lishe." The original of this 
treatise of Micronius I have 
never been able to discover.] 

^ [This translation is from 
Knewstub's book, f. i .] 

CENT. XVI. ofBrHain, 411 


and through the Holy Spirit of the love of Jesus a. d. 1580. 

Christ, raised up by the highest God from the t 1_ 

death, according to the providence of God and his 
promises, anointed with the Holy Ghost in the old 
" age of the holy understanding of Jesus Christ ; 
godded with God in the Spirit of his love ; made 
heir with Christ in the heavenly goods of the 
" riches of God ; illuminated in the Spirit with the 
" heavenly truth, the true light of the perfect being ; 
" elected to a minister of the gracious word, (which 
" is now in the last time raised up by God, according 
" to his promises,) in the most holy service of God, 
" under the obedience of his love." 

The followers of this Nicholas assumed to them- 
selves the title of the Family of Love. Family of 
faith we find in scripture * ; but this new name was 
one first invented by and falsely applied unto this 
faction, who might more fitly (from Nicholas, their 
father and founder) be styled Nicolaitans, as their 
namesakes (hated by God for their filthiness ^) were 
called so from Nicolas the proselyte of Antioch ^ 
These familists, besides many monstrosities they 
maintained about their communion with God, atte- 
nuated all scriptures into allegories, and, under pre- 
tence to turn it into spirit, made them airy, empty, 
nothing. They counterfeited revelations, and those 
not explicatory or applicatory of scripture, (such may 
and must be allowed to God's servants in all ages,) 
but additional thereunto, and of equal necessity and 
infallibility to be believed therewith. In a word, as 
in the small-pox, (pardon my plain and homely, but 
true and proper comparison,) when at first they 

i Gal. VI. 10. k Rev. ii. 6. 1 Acts vi. 5. 

412 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 158a kindly come forth, every one of them may severally 

and distinctly be discerned ; but when once they run 

and matter, they break one into another, and can no 
longer be dividedly discovered : so, though at first 
there was a real difference betwixt Fami lists. Enthu- 
siasts, Antinomians, (not to add high-flown Anabap- 
tists,) in their opinions, yet (process of time plucking 
up the pales betwixt them) afterwards they did so 
interfere amongst themselves, that it is almost im- 
possible to bank and bound their several absurdities. 
The fami- 39. The practiccs of these Familists were worse 
in practice than their opinions. They grieved the Comforter, 
nion.^^*' charging all their sins on God's Spirit for not effec- 
tually assisting them against the same ; accounting 
themselves as innocent as the maid forced in the 
field, crying out, and having none to Jielp her *". Yea, 
St. Paul's supposition. Shall we continue in sin, that 
grace wuy abound "* ? was their position. What he 
started from, they embraced ; what he branded with 
a God foi'hidj they welcomed with a Well done, good 
and faithful servant : sinning on design, that their 
wickedness might be a foil to God's mercy, to set it 
off the brighter. 
Their ab- 40. The prfvy couucil therefore took them into 
juration, consideration, and tendered unto them this following 
abjuration ^ : 

" Whosoever teacheth that the dead which are 
" fallen asleep in the Lord rise up in this day of 
" his judgment, and appear unto us in godly glory, 
" which shall henceforth live in us everlastingly with 

T^ Deut. xxii. 27. this book, see after. The au- 

^ Rom. vi. I. thor of it possessed the original 

o [Supplication of the Fa- paper of this abjuration men- 

mily of Love, &c. p. 26. Of tioned in the text.] 


of Britain. 


" Christ, and reign upon the earth, is a detestable a. d. 1580. 
" heretic. Whosoever teacheth, that to be bom of — — ^— 
" the Virgin Mary, out of the seed of David after 
" the flesh, is to be expounded of the pure doctrine 
" out of the seed of love, is a detestable heretic. 
" Whosoever teacheth, that Jesus Christ is come 
again unto us, according to his promise, to the 
end that they all which love God and his righte- 
ousness, and Christ and his perfect being, might 
presently enter into the true rest, which God hath 
prepared from the beginning for his elect, and 
inherit the everlasting life, is a detestable heretic." 







No fewer than ten of the privy council tendered 
this abjuration to each Familist, but with what suc- 
cess I find not P. If any of these Familists were of 
their opinion in higher Germany, who were called 
liJ^e^n fratres % " free brethren," who maintained 
themselves delivered by Christ from all covenants, 
vows, and debts, (if from prison, too, on denial of 
payment, it were excellent,) all was to little purpose, 
seeing a bird may as soon be impounded as these 
spirits confined by any oaths or carnal obligation. 

P [With very little, as it 
should seem, since they grew 
very numerous. See after. The 
author of the '* Supplication, 
'• &c." observes, " Have thev 
" [the family of love] not heard 
" nor known of these things 
'* by lawful authority per- 
'* formed, which were both 
" heard and made known both 
** in court and country ; the 
•* party^ some of them and the 
'* chiefest, yet living and in 
'^ court which so abjured ; and 

'* their children in right ancient 
'* place about his majesty, be- 
" fore whom they abjured ?" 
p. 28. See also a letter of 
John Woolton, bishop of Exe- 
ter, to lord treasurer Burleigh, 
commenting upon the increase 
of this sect in his diocese. 6th 
June, 158 1. Strype's Annals, 
App. III. p. II.] 

*J See Rutherford's Survey 
of the Spiritual Antichrist, p. 


The Church History 


A.D.i58o.pagg we from them to others more dangerous, be- 

23 Eliz. . ® 

cause more learned, even the Jesuits, (hoping at last 

to light on the temperate zone, when we have done 
with these dull, frozen, ignorant sectaries, and fiery, 
torrid, over-active papists,) whereof two principal 
ones, Parsons and Campian, living at Rome, impor- 
tuned his holiness for license to come over into 
England '. 
Parsons 4X, Haviug obtained this gracious faculty, over 

pian a>me they come into England, and distil superstition and 
Snd. Their disloyalty into the queen's subjects. This Parsons 
J^^^^' was a Somersetshire, man, formerly of BalHol College 
in Oxford, till for his dishonesty he was expelled 
with disgrace *. But what Oxford cast away for 
dross Rome received for gold, entertaining and re- 
warding him as a man of a daring and undertaking 
spirit, and of a nature turbulent and seditious. Cam- 
pian, bom in London, and bred in St. John's College 
of the same university, (whereof he was proctor, anno 
1568,) was one of a sweet nature, constantly carrying 
about him the charms of a plausible behaviour ; of a 

' [They were the special per- 
sons to whom was entrusted 
the executing of the sentence 
of the bull of pope Pius V. 
See their faculties in the '' Ex- 
•' ecution of Justice, &c." So- 
mers' Tracts, I. 197. See also 
Carleton's Thank. Rem. 57.] 

s Camden's Eliz. anno 1580. 
[These insmuations against fa- 
ther Parsons must be received 
with caution. From his acti- 
vity and great abilities he was 
greatly disliked by his oppo- 
nents, who were of two sorts, 
the seminary priests and the 
protestants. No man served 

his church with greater zeal, 
nor gave greater activity to the 
decayingelements of Romanism. 
Almost all the foreign colleges 
which were erected during this 
reign for the maintenance of 
the Romish religion owed their 
foundation to his exertions. It 
is not indeed fair to judge a 
man by his Avritings, but one 
can scarcely conceive the author 
of " The Christian Directory" 
to have been an immoral man, 
much less of the debased cha- 
racter which his enemies repre- 
sent him ; — a book unrividled 
in its kind.] 


f)f Britain, 


fluent toDgue and good parts, which he knew how a. d. 1580 
to shew to the best advantage. These two effectu- ^^ ^^ - 
ally advanced the Roman cause, appearing in moe 
several shapes than Proteus himself — in the dis- 
guised habits of soldiers, courtiers, ministers of the 
word, apparitors, as they were advised by their profit 
and safety * ; and, as if his holiness had infused an 
ubiquitariness into them, they acted in city, court, 
and country. Parsons was the axe to hew knotty 
controversies, where deep learning was needful ; 
Campian was the planer, to come after him and 
smooth matters with his eloquence : yea, the former 
frighted fearful people into popery with his fierce- 
ness ; the latter flattered them in it with his courte- 
ous behaviour ". But none can give a better account 
of Campian's proceedings than this his own letter 
which followeth : 

** To the right reverend father Everard Mercurian, 
• * provost general of the society of Jesus v. 
"After that, trusting on God's goodness, I live 
" now the fifth month in these parts, I thought it 

* [Personating a captain re- 
turning from Flanders to Eng- 
land ; provided '* with a dress 
** of bu£F, layd with gold lace, 
^* with hatt and feather suited 
*• to the same." From Parson's 
Journal, in Collectanea S. J., p. 
145, printed at Exeter, 1838.]] 

^ [Campian possessed more 
showy than solid abilities. His 
chief tract, ^' Decern Rationes 
'< propositse in Causa iidei," 
publidied in his Opuscula by 
Sylv. Petra Sancta, is more 
remarkable for elegancy and 
fluency of style than solid rea- 
soning, for bold and unfounded 

assertions, put forth indeed in 
very neat and lively Latinity. 
The most complete Life of 
Campian was written by Paulo 
Bembino, a Jesuit, and pub- 
lished at Antwerp, 1618, 1 2mo. 
Other tracts relating to him 
will be found in Wood's life of 
him in the Athen. I. p. 356. 
Father Parsons was a very tall 
and handsome man, with a 
pleasing address, to which on 
more than one occasion he was 
indebted for his safety.] 

▼ [The original, in Latin, is 
printed in Bridgewater's Con- 
cert. Eccl. Cath. p. 3, and in 


416 The Church History book ix. 

A.D. is8o.«< my duty, reverend father, to acquaint you by let- 

33 £liz« ti <i 

^* ters what the state of our matters is, and what it 

" is likely to be ; for I know full well that you 
** desire to know what I do, what I hope, how I 
" profit ; and that both out of constant care for the 
" common good, and also out of the great love you 

bear unto myself. The former I wrote from St. 

Omer's: now receive, in few words, what things 
** have since happened unto us. 

" I impute it as proceeding from Divine Pro- 
" vidence, that, whereas I had waited four full days 

X A good wind which " for a prosperous wind ^ at 

blows a traitor to Tyburn, "last on the fifth (which 

was the feast of John Baptist, and my tutelary 

saint, to whom I had often commended both my 

** cause and journey) at even we put forth to sea. 

" The next day very early we arrived at Dover, I 

" and my little man, where we escaped very nar- 

" rowly that both of us were 

fj Sd'stuSe 'i: " -t taken r. Being com- 
the threshold, newly land- " manded, we appear before 
*^l"u}'\'''"^^°""' "^'' "the major of the town; he 

probable he that was sus- *' 

pected at his coming in " conjectures several things, 

will be detected before *« guessing US to be, what in- 
his going out. ., i i i 

" deed we were ; namely, ene- 

" mies to the heretical party, lovers of the old religion, 

" that we had dissembled our names, gone away for 

** religion, being returned with desire to propagate 

it. One thing he pressed, that I was Alan, which I 


Campian's Opusc. by S ylv. Pe- ness of the edition of this letter 

tra Sancta, p. 408. Antv.1631. which he used. See a noto- 

This letter is not translated rious instance at p. 417. Wher- 

with Fuller's usual accuracy ; ever the translation seemed 

but this is not so much » fault faulty, I have given the original 

of his own as pf the incorrect- in the notes.] 

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 417 

denied; and, if need had been, I would have de-A.D. 1580. 
posed the contrary on my oath ^. -1 — ^ 

" At last he determines, and this he often repeats, 
that we ought to be sent with a guard to the 
privy council; nor do I know who altered his 
mind, except it were God, to whom in the mean 
time I made my silent supplication, using the 
intercession of St. John, by whose favour I came 
thither. Presently out came the old man, (well 
fare his heart for it :) ' It is our pleasure,' said he, 
* that you shall be dismissed*. 

-n ,T ,. A n * See now a crafty, 

« Farewell ! Away we flew, equivocating Jesuit is an 

" These and the like things over-match for a country 
,-<,.ir -w n ^ 1- T well-meaning magistrate. 

" which here I find, when 1 & •& 

recount them with myself, I am confirmed in this 
opinion, that when the matter shall make more 
for God's glory, then I shall be taken, and not 

" before ^ _ , 

T- . i T J 4 ^ Caiaphas. Truly pro- 

1 amve at London. A ptesied, if truly applied. 
good angel led me, without 
my knowledge, to the same house which had for- 
merly received father Robert. Many gentlemen 
run to me, salute me, clothe me, adorn me, arm 

" me, send me out of the city^. 

" Every day almost I ride „ J^ ?"o ViS'^" persC^^^ 

" about some coast of the tion, enough almost to 

« country <•. The hanrest is jj^^d',2^7 """P*^'" 

** altogether very great. Sit- 
ting on my horse I meditate a short sermon, which, 
coming into the house, I perfectly polish. After- 
ward, if any come to me, I discourse with them, or 










* [Ratlier, " I professed my " quired it.*'] 

'• willingness to depose the con- " [^ Partem aliquam regio* 

** trary on my oath, if he re- nis.'] 



The Church History 


23 Eliz. 




A. D.jisSo. " hear their confessions. In the morning, service being 
" done, I make a sermon ; they bring thirsty ears, 
" and most frequently « receive the sacraments. 

" In the administering of them we are assisted by 
" the priests, whom we find every where. Thus it 
" comes to pass that both the people are pleased, 
" and the work is made less wearisome unto us. 
Our countrymen which are priests, being them- 
selves eminent for learning and holiness, have raised 
*' such a reverend esteem of our order, that I con- 
ceive that veneration which the catholics give us 

" is not to be mentioned but 

** with some fear ^; wherefore 

" the more care is to be taken 

*^ that such as shall be sent as 

a supply unto us (whom now 

we very much want) may be 

so qualified that they may well undertake all these 

" things ^. Above all things, 
" let them be well exercised 
" in preaching. We cannot 
"long escape the hands of 
" heretics, so many are the 
*' eyes, the tongues, and treach- 
" eries of our enemies ^. 

" I am in a most antique 
" habit ', which I often change ^ 
" as also my name \ Just now 
" I read a letter, in whose front 
" it is written, * Campian is 
" taken.' This old scmg now 

^ Lest the world should 
know how simple people 
give, and shameless Je- 
suits take, so much ho- 
nour where so little is 



g With fair tongues, 
false hearts, cunning 
heads, and bold faces. 
Campian is the copy^ and 
the rest must be like 

h His predictions were 
indicted from his guilti- 
ness. Offenders fear what 
they deserve. 

^ His often changing 
speaks him but a valiant 
coward in the cause. 

I Homo multorum no^ 
minum, non boni nomi- 

* [' Frequentissimi,' in great 

^ [' Habitu dementissimo.' 

He travelled in the disguise of 
a puritan. See Ware's Foxes, 
&c., 138.] 



CJBMT. XVI. of Britain. 419 

** SO rings in mine ears, wheresoever I come, that a. d. 1580. 

" very fear hath driven all fear from me : my life is — 

** always in my hand. Let them that shall be sent 
^ hither for our supply bring this along with them, 
well thought on beforehand ^. 
** But the comforts which are mingled in this 
matter are such as not only do recompence the 
** fear of pain, but any pains whatsoever, with an 
** infinite pleasure ; namely, a pure conscience, un- 
** conquered strength, incredible zeal ". Eminent 
** work we have effected : innumerable number of 
converts, high, low, of the middle rank, of all ages 
and sexes. Hence it is grown into a proverb 
amongst the heretics themselves, that if any of 
" them be better natured than others, they pre- 
sently call them catholics S o Would the catholics 

who will pay the debts which would themselves pay the 
,, . 1 ^r - -^ twenty pound a month 

they owe ; msomuch that if ^jiich they owe to the 

any catholics should chance king for their recusancy ! 

to use a man hardly, he is expostulated with in 
this respect, that in no case such things ought to 
be done by men of their profession. 

In brief, heresy is ill reported of all; nor is 
there any sort of men more vile and rotten than 
"are their ministers p. We p Thus when the hem- 




" are deservedly full of indig- shaw cannot beat the 
"nation, that in so bad a hawk with strength she 

dungs upon him. Ramng 
cause men so unlearned, so must help where reason 

wicked, so dissolute, so vile, wants. 
" do domineer over most flourishing wits. 

""['Hocafferantmeditatum/] compensant. Conscientia pura, 

^ [' Verum quae solatia in hoc robur invictum, ardor incredi- 

negotio miscentur ea non solum bilis, opera insignis, numeru8 

formidinem poense, sed et poe. innumerabilis, summi, medii, 

nas quaslibet infinita dulcedine infimi, omni setate et sexu/] 

E e 2 


420 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1580. " Most threatening edicts are earned about against 

^ !L " us. By wariness, and the prayers of good people, 

" and (which is the main) by God's goodness, we 
" have in safety gone over a great part of the island. 
" I see many forgetting themselves to be careful 

" for us % Something hap- 

Q Good affections ill .. j • xt_ j t ; 

employed. God send " pened, in those days, by 

them less heat or more " God's will, which I did not 
^ • " so much as hope for, 

" I had articulately ^ set down in writing our 
" points, and certain most equal demands, confessing 
myself to be a priest of the society, coming vrith 
an intent to amplify the catholic faith, teach the 
" gospel, administer sacraments. I requested audi- 
" ence of the queen and the peers of the realm, and 

" challenged my adversaries 

ThV^L lonj^^^^ " to the combat ». I resolved 

duels first surfeit of " to keep one copy to myself, 
*^®"- « that it might be carried to 

** the judges with me ; another I had committed to 
" my friend, with this intent, that if they took me 
" and my copy, the other should presently be spread 
" abroad *. 

" My friend did not conceal it, he published it, it 
" is worn in every man's hand. Our adversaries are 
" stark mad. Out of their pulpits their preachers 
" answer, that they indeed desire it, but the queen 
" is not willing that, matters now being settled, 
" there should be any farther disputation. They 
** rend us with their railings, call us seditious, hypo- 

^ ['' Articulate/' by heads or lish universities, prefixed to 

articles.] the X. Rationes. Campiani 

* [Compare with this the Opusc. p. 1 1 .] 
advertisement to the two Eng- 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 421 

•* elites, yea, and heretics also, which is most laughed a. d. 1580. 

*• at. The people in this point are altogether ours. 

*' This error hath made marvellously for our advan- 
** tage. If we be commanded on the public faith, 
** dabimtis rum curiam ". But they intend nothing less. 

•* All our prisons are filled with catholics ; new 
** ones are preparing. Now at last they openly 
** maintain that it is better to deliver a few traitors 

over to death, than to betray the souls of so many 
« men. Now they say nothing of their own martyrs, 

for we conquer in cause, number, dignity, and the 

opinion of all men. 

We produce, for a few apostates or cobblers 

burnt, bishops ^ \Tegulos:\ , ^^^ ^^^ p^p.^j^ ^._ 

petty princes, knights, and shop put to death, nor 
'* most eminent of the gentry, P^^^ f^ the realm, save 

, ° "^ for actual rebellion, m all 

(mirrors of learning, honesty, the queen's reign ; where. 

"and wisdom,) the choicest as in the Marian days we 

. had an archbishop and 

** youth, lllustnOUS matrons^ four bishops burnt for 

** the rest of middle estate «iere matters of qon. 

** almost innumerable, all of 
them at once or every day consumed. Whilst I 
write these things a most cruel persecution rageth^: 
the house is sad ; for they presage either the death 
" of their friends, or that, to save their lives, they 
" must hide, be in prison, or suffer the loss of all 
^ their goods ; yet they go on courageously. 

" Very many even now are reconciled to our 
" church. New soldiers enlist their names, and old 
" ones freely shed their blood. Herewith, and with 


^ So my printed copy, where- y [* Moesta domus ; nam aut 

in I suspect some mistake. [It mortem suorum pr&dicant, aut 

should be, ' dabimus nos in cu- latebras^ aut vincula, aut rapi- 

riam/] nam bonorum.*] 

Ee 3 


422 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1580. " these holy sacrifices, God will be merited, and out 
— " of doubt in short time we shall overcome. You 

" see therefore, reverend fiither, how much we need 

^ your sacrifices, prayers, and heavenly assistance. 
" There will be some in England who may pro- 

" vide for their own safety, and there will be those 
who may promote the good of others. Man may 
be angry, and the devil mad : so long the church 
here will stand, whilst the shepherds are not want- 
ing to their sheep. I am hindered with a report 
of a most present danger, that I can write no more 

" at this time. Let God arise, and let his enemies be 

" scattered. 

'' Farewell. 

** Edmond Campian." 

Campian Secretary Walsingham, one of a steady head, (no 
Waking- morc than needful for him, who was to dive into 
ten. such whirlpools of state,) laid out for Campian*s 
apprehension*. Many were his lime-twigs to this 
purpose ; some of his emissaries were bred in Rome 
itself. It seems his holiness was not infallible in 
every thing, who paid pensions to some of Walsing- 
ham's spies sent thither to detect catholics : of these 
Slade and Elliot were the principal. Surely these 
setters could not accomplish their ends but with 
deep dissembling and damnable lying. If any ac- 
count such officers evils, I deny it not, but add them 
to be necessary evils, in such a dangerous juncture 
of time. Always set a to catch a ; and 

' [Wood's Ath. I. 206. See and translated out of French 

a narrative of the appf ehen- into Latin by James Laing, and 

sion of Campian, Sherwin, and published by him at the end of 

Briant, written by an eyewit- his Life of Beza, p. 112^ ed. 

ness, as it is stated in p. 121^ 'S^sO 


of Britain . 


the greatest deer- stealers make the best park-keepers, a.d. 1580. 

Indeed these spies were so cunning, they could trace 

a labyrinth without the guidance of a clue of thread, 
and knew all bye comers at home and abroad. At 
last Elliot «• snapt Campian in his own lodging ^ and 
in great triumph he was carried to the Tower. 

42. The papists tell us of seven deadly racks in Pretended 
the Tower, all of them exercised on some or other racking 
their prisoners therein : one rack called the duke of ^'^"*^' 
Exeter's, the other the scavenger's daughter, and 
these haply had their grandchildren. God keep all 

good men in the joyfiil ignorance of them and their 
issue ^. Campian is said thrice or four times to 
have been tortured on them, ad lua^ationem^ ac quas- 
sationem omnium membrorum ^, if the report thereof 
be not racked beyond the proportion of truth. How- 
ever, we request the ingenuous, 

43. First, to consider there scarce passed a leap- Excused in 
year wherein the papists did not lay their eggs, orgree. 
hatch some treason against the queen, which excuseth 

such severity used to detect conspiracies. Secondly, 
I find when father Briant, a priest, was racked most 
cruelly®, he confesseth se nihil quicquam doloris 
sensisse, " that he felt no pain at all." Were this 
false, I wonder so religious a man would report it ; 

A [Elliot was originally a 
Roman catholic. Wood's Ath. 

I- 474.] 

^ [At the house of Edward 

Yates, esq.^ at Lyford in Berk- 
shire^ where Parsons was also 
formerly lodged, as is stated in 
the above letter. See Wood, 
ib., and Laing, p. 1 13 ; so also 
More's Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 86.] 

^ [See a clever little tracts 
by Jardine, upon the applica- 
tion of torture in criminal 

d Sanders, De Schism. An- 
glicano, p. 409. 

e Ribadeneira his continua- 
tion of Sanders De Schism. 
Ang. in his Diary, an. 158 1, 
month of March. 

£ e 4 


The Church History 


A.D. 1580. were it true, I wonder that Campian (every inch as 
'^^•^ religious as Briant) had not the same miraculous 
favour indulged to him. Thirdly, Campian, presently 
after his racking, wrote letters with his own hand ^ ; 
which shews he was not so disjointed with such 
cruelty as is pretended. Lastly, those who complain 
of Campian's usage have forgotten, or will not re- 
member, how Anne Askew and Cuthbert Simpson, 
on whom no shadow of treason could be charged, 
were most cruelly and causelessly racked by popish 
persecutors, as a preface to their ensuing martyr- 
dom 8^, 

^' Camd. Eliz. in this year. 

% [The punishment of Cain- 
pian seems to have been much 
talked about at this time, since 
I find it touched upon in a 
conference held with him by 
Alexander Nowell, dean of St. 
Paul's, and W. Daiie, dean of 
Windsor, Aug. 31,1581. They 
demand of him why he charged 
the queen's government with 
practising unusual cruelty 
against the Romanists^ seeing 
that the professors of that re^ 
ligion had burnt alive many 
protestants for the maintenance 
of their religion only ; whereas 
none of them had been executed 
otherwise than for treason, and 
for breaking the laws of the 
realm. " Whereunto he an- 
" swered that he was punished 
'* for religion himself, and had 
" been twice on the rack, and 
" that racking was more griev- 
" ous than hanging." Upon 
this, "master lieutenant, [sir 
*' Owen Hopton,] being pre- 
'^ sent, said he had no cause to 
•* complain of racking, Who 



*' had rather seen than felt the 
*' rack, and admonished him 
" to use good speech, that he 
*^ gave not cause to be used 
*' with more severity. * For 
" although,' said he, * you were 
" put to the rack, yet notwith- 
'* standing you were so favour- 
ably used therein, as being 
taken off, you could and did 
" presently go thence to your 
" lodging, without help, and 
'^ use your hands in writing, 
" and all other parts of your 
** body, which you could not 
^* have done if you had been 
" put to that punishment with 
•• any such extremity as you 
" speak of.' " See " A true 
'- Report of the Disputation 
•' or rather private Conference 
" had in the Tower of London 
" with Edmund Campian, Je- 
" suit, the last of August 15 81. 
" Set down by the reverend 
*' learned men themselves that 
*' dealt therein. Imprinted at 
** London, &c." Jan. i, 1583. 
4to. " Master lieutenant" is 
probably the same person that 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 426 

44. We leave Campian for a time in a safe place, a. d. 1580. 

^ ^23 Eliz. 

where we are sure to find him at our return, to--^ • 


behold how it fared with father Parsons, diligently his three 
sought for by Walsingham's setters, and therefore as ^p^. 
eminent for making his three escapes as writing his 
three conversions : 

i. By hiding himself in a stack of hay, hard by a 
public inn, whither messengers were sent to attach 

il. Being amused with grief, and fear, and fright, 
he could not find an house in London (otherwise 
well known unto him) whither he intended to go ; 
and by losing his way saved his life, that place being 
beset with soldiers to apprehend him ^. 

iii. When scarce gone out of an house on the 
Thames side, but the same was searched by the 
oflRcers, who routed an army of crucifixes, medals, 
Agnus Dei's, and other papish trinkets therein. 

To these a fourth may be added, more miraculous 
than all the rest: when Parsons was apprehended 
by a pursuivant at Northwich in Cheshire, and put 
into a chamber fast bolted and locked upon him, the 
door did, three times together, miraculously and of 
its own accord fly open '. 

45. By the reader's favour, as I dare not deny Our obser- 
belief to this passage attested by a catholic father, his fourth 
so I cannot but wonder thereat. Peter and Paul®^**^' 

Laing*s narrative entitles '* cus- faith at Paul's Cross. Laing, 

*' tos carceris Londini, homo ib. p. 115, 116.] 
'' pessimus ac sceleratissimus, h Continuatio Sander! De 

*' totus hseresi Calvini infec- Schism. Ang. pag. 404. 
tus;" who, according to the ^ Sheldon of Miracles, p. 

same authority, gave out that 25, in Gee's Foot out of the 

Campian intended to abjure his Snare, 71. 

4S6 The Church Husfory of Britain. book ix. 

A. D. 1580. each of tbem had once their prison doors open^- 

Parsons exceeds them both: three several solemn 

times his prison was set open. Did he not tempt 
Divine Providence, which once and again offered 
mito him a way to escape, to expect a third call to 
come forth ? Had Providence (angry that the cour- 
tesy, twice tendered, was not accepted) left him 
alone, none would have pitied him if caught and 
sent to keep company with his dear friend father 
Campian in the Tower. 
Parsons 46. But Parsous kuow fiill well that miracles, 

poutidy re- 

turneth to though cordials in extremity, are no bill of fare for 
men's daily diet, and therefore he must not con- 
stantly expect such wonderful deliverances ; besides 
no doubt he remembered what passed in the fable, 
though this his good genius had helped him at a 
dead lift, yet the same intended not to wear out all 
his shoes, and to go barefoot himself, in making a 
trade constantly to preserve him \ Wherefore, ju- 
niores ad labores^ let younger men take the task and 
trouble upon them. This wary bird would not be 
catched, to whistle in the cage to the tune of Wal- 
singham; wherefore over he went to Rome, and 
there slept in a whole skin, as good reason it was 
so great a general should secure his person from 

^ Acts xii. y, and xvi. 26. tardly proceedings (as he terms 

1 [Watson, in his Quodlibets, them) of father Parsons. See 

has with great vehemence ex- particularly p. i28^sq.] 

posed the ambitious yet das* 



One (if not the only} good which our ciml war h^iih produced, 
is, thai on the ransacking of studies, many manuscripts, 
vtitM otherwise would have remained concealed, a/nd ueeful 
o/t^foT prvecOe pereom, have been printed for the pvhUc 
hen^. Amongst which, some may suspect the following 
tetter ofarchUskop Grindal to be one. 

But to clear that scmple, I must avow, that a reverend per- 
son^ tcae pri^rietary of an authentic c^y thereof, before 
the thing phmder was owned in England, and may (/ shall 
weU hope) notwithstanding his gr^ hairs remain so, after it 
is disclaimed. 

NOW that a parliament and conToca-A. d. ijSo. 
tion being this year called, the latter _!L_1_ 
appeared rather a trunk than a body, ;„ the n^ 
because Edmund Grindal, archbishop ^*^^^ 
of Canterbury, groaning under the^^T*^™' 
queen's displeasure, was forbidden acce^ to the con-"^^idiop 
Tocation*. Whereupon it begun sadly, not to say 

' [Anna. Ermine, on a men, styling him " litteratorum 
bend party per bend azure and " et litterarum fantor." Un- 
liable, three guttes d'ean, be- fortunately I Iiare not been able 
tween two hawka. In the Pis- to find any other trace of hini.] 
gab Sight, (P. II. p.6o,) Fuller >> [James Usher, then] arch- 
again celebratei this gentleman bishop of Armagh, 
for his liberality to learned ° [He was sequestred and 


The Church History 


23 Eliz. 

A. 0^1580. sullenly, without the solemnity of a sermon, ab- 
.ruptly entering on the small business they had to 
do. Some hotspurs therein motioned, that they 
should refuse to meet together, till their company 
were completed, and the archbishop restored unto 
them. But the gravity of the rest soon retrenched 
this distemper, and at last all agreed, that Tobie 
Matthew®, dean of Christ Church, (commanding a 
pure and fluent pen,) should in the name of the con- 
vocation, draw an humble supplication to her ma- 
jesty for the restitution of the archbishop his 
place, which was done according to the tenor fol- 

« Serenissimse ac potentissimse reginse Elizabethae, 
" Angliae, Francise et Hibemise reginse, fidei de- 
" fensatrici, &c. 

" Etsi majestatem regiam sive verbo, sive scripto 
*^ interpellare, serenissima princeps Elizabetha, non 
" decere, nisi rarius, non licere, nisi gravioribus de 
" causis arbitramur ; tamen cum praecipiat apostolus, 
" ut dum tempus habeamus benefacimus omnibus, 
" maxime vero domesticis fidei, committere nullo 
" modo possumus, quin illud hoc tempore a tua cel- 
" sitate humiliter contendamus, quod nobis ad pe- 
" tendum utile et necessarium, toti ecclesise et 

confined to his house for six 
months, after he had written 
his celebrated letter to the 
queen in defence of these exer. 
cises, printed at p. 435, &c. This 
was in June, 1577. But still 
continuingresolved in his former 
opinion, his authority was en- 
trusted to delegates, nor did 
he recover it till some con- 

siderable time after, Strype 
thinks in the year 1582, after 
he had made the required sub- 
mission to the queen. See 
Strype's Grind, p. 273. who 
has also printed a large extract 
from the archbishop's confes- 

^ [Afterwards archbishop of 


€B>}t. xVi. of Britain, 429 

•• reiptiblicae ad obtinendum salutare et fructuo8uin,A.D. 1580. 
" tu« denique majestati ad concedendum perfitcile __!L— fL 
" et honorificum sit futurum. Quanquam igitur 
" acerbissime dolemus et eontristamur, reverendis- 
simum patrem Cantuariensem arehiepiscopum 
post tot annos, in tantam tamque diuturnam ma- 
jestatis tuse offensionem incidisse, tamen valde 
vehementer speramus, nos veniam adepturos, si 
pro utio multi, pro archiepiscopo episcopi, pro 
tanto prsBSule tot rainistri, serio et suppliciter in- 
** tercedamus. Quod si deprecantium authoritas in 
** petitione valeret, hsec causa jamdudum a nobilibus 
** viris, si voluntas ab amicissimis, si experientia 
" a prudentissimis, si religio a reverendissimis, si 
multitude a plurimis ; sicut nostrse partes nuUae 
nunc alise videantur, quam ut orationem cum illo- 
rum rationibusj nostras preees cum illorum peti- 
tionibus supplicissime ac demississime conjunga- 
** mus. 

•• Ut enim Caesar Octavius jucundissimus prop- 

" terea fiiisse scribitur, quod apud eum quoties quis- 

que voluit, dixit, et quod voluit, dum humiliter; 

sic ex infinitis illis virtutibus, quibus regium tuum 

pectus abunde cumulatur, vix uUa vel majestati 

tuse honorificentior, vel in populum tuum gra- 

tiosior existit, quam in admittendis hominibus 

" facilitas, in causis audiendis lenitas, prudentia in 

** secemendis, in satisfaciendis pietas et dementia. 

" Nihil est enim tam populare quam bonitas ; atque 

principes ad prsepotenteni Deum nulla re propius 

accedunt, quam offensionibus deponendis, et obli- 

viscendis injuriis, non dicimus septies, sed sep- 

tuagies septies. Nam, si decem millia talentorum 



dimittantur nobis, nonne nos firatribus, conservis, 

4fS0 The Church History Booic \x* 

A.D. 1580.** gubditis, centum denarios condonabimus ? Liceat 

23 £liz. 

" enim nobis illud Christi praeceptum, ad istud insti- 

** tutnm, bona tua cum pace accommodare. Prae- 
<* sertim cum hortetur apostolus, ut mansuetudo 
^^ nostra nota sit omnibus ; Christusque jubeat, ut 
" misericordes simus sicut Pater noster coelestis mi- 
** sericors est. Vinum in vulnus infundere salutare 
" est, et salutarius oleum ; Christus utrumque adhi- 
^ buit. Judicium cantare. Domino jucundum est, ac 
" jucundius misericordiam ; David utrumque per- 
^^ fecit. Gratiosa est in omnibus bominibus clemen- 
" tia, in proceribus gratiosior, in principe vero gra- 
^ tios^sima. Gloriosa est regi mansuetudo, reginae 
gloriosior, virgini vero gloriosissima : si non sem- 
per, at ssepius ; si non in onmes, at in pios ; si non 
^* in vulgus, at in magistratus, at in ministros, at in 
eum qui in tam sublimi loco constitutus, magna 
apud nos authoritate, magna apud alios existima- 
^* tione, summa in sacratissimam tuam majestatem 
" fide et observantia prseditus ; ut non ssepe in vita 
" deliquisse, sed semel tantum in vita displicuisse 
" videatur, idque non tam prsefracta voluntate, quam 
" tenera conscientia, cujus tantam esse vim magni 
" autbores et optimi quique viri scripserunt, ut quic- 
" quid, ea vel reclamante vel errante vel haesitante 
" fiat, non leve peccatum esse statuerint. Ac ut 
" quod verum est ingenue et humiliter attendamus, 
" et illud omnium quod unum agitur, vel necessario 
" silentio vel voluntaria oblectatione obruamus ; si 
" laudabile est, vitam non modo ab omni crimine 
" sed suspicione criminis liberam traduxisse, tra- 
" duxit ; si honestum religionem ab omni non 
^* modo papistica corruptela sed a scbismatica i»'a- 
" vitate integram conservare, conservavit ; si Chris- 




CENT. XVI. of Britain, 431 

** tianum, non modo propter justitiam persecutio-A.D. 1580. 

C6 J ^ J.: x__ «3 Eliz. 


nem passum esse sed per caeteras nationes propter 
evangelium, oberrasse ; et passus est, et oberravit. 
Quae cum ita sint, regina clementissima, omnes 
" hse nostrae voces ad celsitudinem tuam profectae, 
" hoc unum demississime, et quam fieri potest sub- 
jectissime comprecantur, idque per singularem na- 
turae tuae bonitatem, per anteactae tuae vitae con- 
suetudinem, per pietatem regiam in subditos, per 
" charitatem Christianam in inimicos, perque earn, 
** qua reliquos omnes et privatos, et principes ex- 
** cellis lenitatem ; ut velis majestatem tuam man- 
** suetudine^ justitiam misericordia, iram placabili- 
tate, offensionem indulgentia mitigare ; et archi- 
episcopum moerore fractum, et debilitatum, non 
** modo extollere jacentem, sed ecclesiam ipsi, ipsum 
ecclesiae, tuis eivibus, suis fratribus, exteris natio- 
nibus, denique piis omnibus tandem aliquando 
restituere. Quod si fecerit majestas tua, vel po- 
tius cum fecerit (quod enim summe cupimus, 
summe etiam sperare jucundum est) non dubita- 
** mus, quin ilium reverendissimum patrem, sup- 
plicem, et abjectum, non tam ad pedes, quam ad 
nutus tuos perpetuo sis liabitura. Ita celsitati 
tuae persancte poUicemur, nobis neque in ecclesia 
constituenda curam, neque in religione propa- 
ganda studium, neque in schismatibus toUendis 
diligentiam, neque in hoc beneficio praecipue reco- 
lendo memoriam, neque in ferendo quas debemus 
gratias, gratam animi benevolentiam ullo unquam 
tempore defuturam. 

** Dominus Jesus majestatem tuam, ad reipublicae 
tranquillitatem, ad ecclesiae conservationem, ad 








432 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1580." suae veritatis amplificationem, omni felicitatis ge- 
— — L- " nere diutissime prosequatur." 

This petition, though presented with all advantage, 

found no other entertainment than delays, which 

ended in a final denial ; it being daily suggested to 

the queen, that Grindal was a great patron of pro- 

phesyings (now set up in several parts of the land) 

which, if permitted to take place, would in fine 

prove the bane of the church and commonwealth ^. 

The model 2. Theso prophosyiugs were founded on the 

ofprophe- apostlo's prccopt, FoT ye may all prophesy one by 

»y»n«»- g^^^^ fj^^f. ^11 ^^y i^arn^ and all he comforted"^ ; but so, 

as to make it out, they were fain to make use of 
human prudential additions, modelling their pro- 
phesyings as followeth. 

i. The ministers of the same precinct, by their 
own appointment (not strictly standing on the old 
division of deaneries) met at the principal place 

ii. The junior divine went first into the pulpit, 
and for half an hour, more or less, (as he could with 
clearness contract his meditations,) treated upon a 
portion of scripture, formerly by a joint-aigreement 
assigned unto him. After him, four or five moe, 
observing their seniority successively dilated on the 
same text. 

iii. At last a grave divine, appointed on purpose 
as father of the act, made the closing sermon, some- 
what larger than the rest, praising the pains and 

^ [For an account of these troubles, see Strype's Life of 
exercises, and Grindars con- Grind., p. 219. 330.J 
cern in them and subsequent ^ i Cor. xiv. 13. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 433 

performance of such who best deserved it; meekly a. d. 1580. 

and mildly reproving the mistakes and failings of- ^ 

such of those, if any were found in their sermons. 
Then all was ended as it was begun, with a solemn 
prayer ; and at a public refection of those ministers 
together, with many of the gentry repairing unto 
them, the next time of their meeting was appointed, 
text assigned, preachers deputed, a new moderator 
elected or the old one continued, and so all were 
dissolved ^ 

This exercise proved, though often long, seldom 
tedious; and people's attentions, though travelling 
far, were little tired, because entertained with much 

8. However, some inconveniencea were seen and The inoon. 

/• !_• 1. 1 J. J. 3 t !• venienceg 

more foreseen by wise, or at least suspected by fear- of prophe- 
ful men, if these prophecies might generally takej^jj^^^ 
place in the land. suspected. 

i. Many modest ministers, and those profitable 
preachers in their private parishes, were loth to 
appear in this public way, which made them unde- 
servedly slighted and neglected by others. 

ii. Many young men, of more boldness than learn- 
ing, readiness than solidity, carried away the credit, 
to the great disheartening of those of more age and 

iii. This consort of preachers kept not always time 
and tune amongst themselves, much jarring of per- 
sonal reflections often disturbing their harmony. 

^ [The chief objections to these and all other rites and 
these exercises are embodied ceremonies but such as were 
in the queen's letter to the prescribed by her. This letter 
bishops throughout England^ . will be found in Strype's Grin- 
directing the suppression of dal, -^PP* P* B5.] 


484 The Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1580. iv. Many would make imjiertinent excawiom from 
^^ their text, to inveigh against the present discipline 
and government of the church ; such preachers being 
more plausible to the people, generally best pleased 
with them who manifest their di^leaaure against 
the present authority. 

V. A wise person was often wanting to moderate 
the moderator, partially passing his censures, rather 
according to affection than judgment. 

vi. People factiously cried up, some one minister, 
some another, to the disgrace of God's ordinance. 

vii. These prophesyings, being accounted the fairs 
for spiritual merchandizes, made the weekly markets 
for the same holy commodities on the Lord's day to 
be less respected, and ministers to be neglected in 
their respective parishes. 

viii. In a word, the queen was so perfectly pre- 
possessed with prejudice against these proph^yings, 
as if they foretold the rise of schism and faction, 
that she was implacably incensed against archbishop 
Grindal as the principal patron and promoter 

However, the good archbishop, to vmdicate him- 
self and state the usefulness of these prophesyings, 
wrote a large letter to the queen ; and although we 
cannot exactly tell the just time thereof », yet, 
knowing it will be welcome to the pious reader at 
any time, here we present the time copy theareof ^: 

&> To the day and month, lections^ in the library of All 

being confident this was the Souls College in Oxford, and 

year. approaches nearer to the one 

^ [The copy of the letter printed by Strype in his Life 

from which that in the text ofGrindal, App. p.74,thanany 

has been printed is in a volume other transcript which I have 

of sir Henry Yelverton's Col- seen. They are by no means 


of Britain. 




[« 20th Dec. 1578.] a. d. 158a 

*• With most humble remembrance of my bounden — — — 

duty to your majesty, it may please the same to rema^rbie 

be advertised, that the speeches which it hath^^^j^ 

pleased you to deliver unto me when I last attended Grindai, in 

* " defence of 

your highness concerning the abridging the num-prophedeB 
ber of preachers, and the utter suppression of alljurisdicUon. 
learned exercises and conferences among the 
ministers of the church, allowed by their bishops 
and ordinaries, have exceedingly dismayed and 
discomforted me; not so much for that the said 
speeches sounded very hardly against mine own 
person, being but one particular man, and not 






uncommon. Strype, according 
to his own account, printed this 
letter ** from an authentic copy 
** sent by the archbishop him- 
*' self to the lord treasurer, 
endorsed by that nobleman's 
own hand;" subjoining the 
following observation: '^ Though 
Fuller hath printed it already, 
yet it is very faulty, false, 
and imperfect ; he mistook 
*' also in assiimins the time 
" when it was writ, which he 
'^ is confident was in the year 
'• 1580 ; whereas it appears to 
*• have been writ four years 
** before, viz. in December 
'' 1576, for that is the date it 
** bears in the copy aforesaid. 
*' And here we may correct 
'' him in one error more, which 
" is, that about the time of the 
" writing of that letter he saith 
<* Leicester took occasion to 
'* quatreLwith the archbishop, 
*' and would have gotten Lam- 
** beth House from him ; and 
'< that that was indeed the 





** reason of the queen's dis- 
" pleasure, that nobleman hav- 
ing secretly embittered her 
against him. But by what 
was said before, he and the 
archbishop seemed now to be 
'^ good friends, since the arch- 
** bishop made him the deli- 
** verer of his letter to the 
'* queen." Life of Grindal, p. 
224. The date of the copy in 
the Yelverton collection differs 
two years from Strype's ; and 
in both, probably, other varia- 
tions would be discovered from 
the original, if it could be 
found; as it is by no means 
unusual for even authentic co- 
pies of the same document to 
vary greatly from each other. 
I have not omitted to search 
the State Paper Office, (to 
which I was allowed access by 
the condescension of lord John 
Russell^) in order if possible 
to discover the original of this 
memorable letter ; but it does 
not appear in that depository.] 


436 The Church History fiOoK ix. 

A D. 1580." much to be accounted of, but most of all for that 

— —** the same might both tend to the public harm of 

** God's church, whereof your highness ought by 
" office to be nutricia, and also to the heavy bur- 
^ dening of your own conscience before God, if they 
should be put in strict execution. It was not 
your majesty's pleasure then (the time not serving 
thereto) to hear me at any length concerning the 
" two matters then propounded. I thought it there- 
" fore my duty, by writing, to declare some part of 
" my mind unto your highness, beseeching the same 
" with patience to read over that I now send writ- 
** ten with mine own rude scribbling hand, which 
" seemeth to be of more length than it is indeed ; 
for I say with Ambrose ^, * Scribe manu mea, qtiod 
sola legos? Madam, first of all I must and will 
" during my life confess that there is no earthly 
" creature to whom I am so much bounden as to 
" your majesty, who (notwithstanding mine insuffi- 
" ciency, which commendeth your grace the more) 
** hath bestowed upon me so many and so great 
benefits, as I could never hope for, much less 
deserve. I do therefore, according to my most 
bounden duty, with all thanksgiving, bear towards 
" your majesty a most humble, faithful, and thankful 
** heart, and that knoweth He which knoweth all 
" things. Neither do I ever intend to offend your 
** majesty in any thing, unless in the cause of God 
" or of His church, by necessity of office and burden 
" of conscience, I shall thereunto be enforced. And 
" in these causes, which I trust in God shall never 
" be urged upon me, if I should use dissembling or 

^ Ad Valentinianum Imper. 


CKNT. XVI. of Britain, 437 

*• flattering silence, I should very evil requite your a. d. 1580. 

** majesty's so many and so great benefits. In so 

^ doing, both you might fall into peril towards God, 
" and I myself into endless damnation. The prophet 
^* Ezekiel termeth us ministers of the church specu-- 
" latores, and not adulatores. If we see the sword 
coming by reason of any offence towards God, we 
must of necessity give warning, or else the blood 
of those that perish will be required at our hands. 
I beseech your majesty thus to think of me, that I 
do not conceive any evil opinion of you, although 
I cannot assent to these two articles then pro- 
pounded. I do vrith the rest of all your good 
^* subjects acknowledge that we have received, by 
your government, many and most excellent bene- 
fits, as, amongst others, freedom of conscience, 
suppressing of idolatry, sincere preaching of the 
gospel, vrith public peace and tranquillity. I am 
also persuaded that even in these matters which 
you seem now to urge, your zeal and meaning is 
for the best : the like hath happened to many of 
^* the best princes that ever were, yet have they not 
" refused afterwards to be better informed and in- 
^ structed out of God's word. King David, so much 
^ commended in the scriptures, had no evil meaning 
^* when he commanded the people to be numbered : 
** he thought it good policy in so doing, to under- 
** stand what forces he had in store to employ 
" against God's enemies, if occasion so required ; yet 
** afterwards, saith the scripture, his own heart 
stroke him, and God by the prophet Gad repre- 
hendeth him for his offence, and gave him for the 
same choice of three hard penances, that is to say, 
famine, war, and pestilence. Good king Ezechias, 

Ff 3 


488 The Church History book ik. 

A.D. 1580. << of courtesy and ffood affectloD, shewed to the am- 

'^ bassadors of the king of Babylon the treasuires of 

^^ the house of .Grod,.and of his own house, and yet 
*^ the prophet Isaiah told him that God was there- 
'* with displeased. The godly king Jehosophat, for 
^^ making league with his neighbour king Achab, 
^' and of like good meaning no doubt, was likewise 
** reprehended by Jehu the prophet in this form of 
'* words, viz. Impio pi^cebes auanlium, et hits qui 
^^ oderunt Dominum^ amicitia jungerisy &c. Am- 
^^ brose, writing to Theodosius the emperor, useth 
" these words : N(yei pietatem tuam erga Deum^ leni- 
^^ totem in homines ; oMigatus sum beneficiis tuis^ &c.^ ; 
^^ and yet for all that the said Ambrose doth not 
" forbear, in the same epistle, earnestly to persuade 
'' the said emperor to revoke an ungodly edict, 
*^ wherein he had commanded a godly bishop to re- 
" edify a Jewish synagogue pulled down by the 
^ Christian people. And so, to come to the present 
" case, I may very well use to your highness the 
" words of Ambrose above written, Novi pietatem 
^' tuam, &c. But surely I cannot marvel enough 
^^ how this strange opinion should once ent» into 
^^ your mind, that it should be good for the church 
^* to have few preachers. Alas ! madam, is the 
*^ scripture more plain in any one thing than that 
'^ the gospel of Christ should be plentifully {^reached, 
" and that plenty of labourers should be sent into 
**.the Lord's harvest, which, being great and large, 
** standeth in need not of a few, but of many work- 
men? There was appointed to the fauil<Mng of 
Solomon's material temple artificers and labourers, 

1 [Epistxl. §.5.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 439 

^ besides three thousand overseers ; and shall we a. d. 1580. 
•* think that a few preachers may suffice to build — — ^— 
** and edify the spiritual temple of Christ, which is 
" His church ? Christ, when He sendeth forth His 
disomies and apostles, saith unto them, Ite^ priB-^ 
dicate emmgelium omni creaturce; but all God's 
" creatures cannot be instructed in the gospel, unless 
all possible means be used to have multitudes of 
pi?eaohers and teachers to preach unto them. 
" Sermo Christi inhabitet in nobis optdentevy saith 
St. Paul to the Coiossians ; and to Timothy, Prce-^ 
dica sermonem^ insta tempestive^ in^tempestive^ argite, 
increpcL, ea^hortare^ &c. ; which thing cannot be 
** done without often and much preaching. To this 
agreeth the practice of Christ's apostles, qui cofir- 
stituebant per singulas ecclesias presbyteros. St. 
Paul likewise to Titus writeth, Hujus rei gratia^ 
reliqui te in Creta^ ut qtuB desunty per gas corrigere^ 
et constituas oppidatim presbyteros ; and afterwards 
" describeth how the said presbyteri were to be 
qualified, not such as we are sometimes compelled 
to admit by mere necessity, unless we should leave 
a great number of churches utterly desolate ; but 
** such indeed as were able to exhort per sanam 
^\doci/rinamy et contradicentes convincere. And in 
this place I beseech your majesty to note one 
thing which is necessary to be noted, which is 
this: if the Holy Ghost prescribe expressly that 
^* preibch^^ should be placed oppidatim, how can it 
'* well be diought that three or four preachers may 
suffice for a shire. Public and continual preaching 
« <rf God's word is the ordinary means and instru- 
*^ ment of the salvation of mankind. St. Paul call- 
" etb it manifestly the ministry of reconciliation of 

Ff 4 








440 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 158a" man unto God. By preaching of God's word the 

1- " glory of God is enlarged, fiedth is nourished, and 

" charity increased ; by it the ignorant is instructed, 
" the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborn 
" rebuked, the weak conscience comforted, and to 
*^ all those that sin of malicious wickedness the 
** wrath of God is threatened ; by preaching, also, 
" due obedience to Christian princes and magistrates 
" [is] planted in the hearts of subjects ; for obe- 
" dience proceedeth of conscience, conscience is 
** grounded upon the word of God, the word of God 
" worketh his eflfect by preaching, so as generally 
** where preaching wanteth, obedience faileth. No 
" prince ever had more lively experience hereof than 
your majesty hath had in your time, and may 
have daily. 

" If your majesty come to your city of London 

never so oft, what gratulation, what joy, what 

concourse of people is there to be seen ! yea, what 

** acclamations and prayers to God for your long 

** life, and other manifest significations of inward 

" and unfeigned love, joined with most humble and 

" hearty obedience, are there to be heard ! Whereof 

Cometh this, madam, but of the continual preaching 

of God's word in that city, whereby that people 

hath been plentifaUy instructed in their duty to- 

" wards God and your majesty ? On the contrary, 

" what bred the rebellion in the north ? was it not 

papistry, and ignorance of God's word, through 

want of often preaching ? And in the time of 

" that rebellion, were not all men of all states that 

made profession of the gospel most ready to oflfer 

their lives for your defence? insomuch that one 

poor parish in Yorkshire, which by continual 



CENT, XVI. of Britain. 441 

*• preachinff had been better instructed than the a. a 1580. 

23 Eliz. 

" rest, (Halifax, I mean,) was ready to bring three 1- 

** or four thousand able men into the field to serve 
" you against the said rebels. How can your ma- 
** jesty have a more lively trial and experience of 
*' the contrary effects of much preaching, and of 
" little or no preaching ? the one working most 
** faithful obedience, and the other most unnatural 
** disobedience and rebellion. But it is thought of 
** some that many are admitted to preach, and few 
" be able to do it well. That unable preachers be 
" removed, is very requisite, if ability and suflSiciency 
" be rightly weighed and judged ; and therein I 
** trust as much is and shall be done as can be for 
both : I, for mine own part, (let it be spoken 
without any ostentation,) am very careful in allow- 
ing such preachers only as be able and sufiSicient 
to be preachers, both for knowledge in the scrip- 
tures, and also for testimony of their good life and 
conversation ; and besides that I have given very 
great charge to the rest of my brethren, the bishops 
of this province, to do the like. We admit no 
man to the office that either professeth papistry 
" or puritanism ; generally the graduates of the 
** universities are only to be admitted preachers, 
^ unless it be some few that have excellent good 
" gifts and knowledge in the scriptures, joined with 
" good utterance and godly persuasion. I myself 
** procured above forty learned preachers and gra- 
" duates within less than six years to be placed 
<• within the diocese of York, besides those I found 
" there ; and there I have left them, the fruits of 
" whose travel in preaching your majesty is like 
** to reap daily by most assured dutiful obedience 


44S 7^ Church History book ix. 

A.D.i58o.^of your subjects in those - parts. But indeed 
Jil!^ « this age judgeth hardly, and nothing indifferently, 
"of the ability of preachers of our time, judging few 
" or none in their opinion to be able, which hard 
^^ judgment groweth upon divers evil dispositions 
" of men. St, Paul doth conmiand the preaching 
^* of Christ crucified casque eminentia sermonis ; but 
in our time many haye so delicate ears, that no 
preaching can satisfy them, unless it be sauced 
with much fineness and exomation of speech, which 
** the same apostle utterly condemneth, and giveth 
^^ this reason, ne evacuetur cruw Christi. Some there 
be, also, that are mislikers of godly refcmnation in 
religion now established, wishing indeed that there 
were no preachers at all ; and so, by depraving the 
" ministers, impugn reUgion n(m aperto Marte, sed 
" cunictUis : much like to the papish bishops in your 
" &ther's time, who would have had the English 
^' translation of tiie Bible called in, as <evil trans^ 
" lated, and the new translation thereof to have 
" been committed to themselves, which tiiey never 
*^ intended to perform. A number there is, and that 
** is exceeding great, whereof some are altogethCT 
" worldly minded, and only bent covetously to gather 
" worldly goods and possessions, serving Mammon 
^^ and not Ood ; and anotiher great «ome have given 
^^ out themselves to all carnal, Ysm, dissdlute, and 
^ lascivious life. Vokq)tatis amaiore^^fu^ qtuim Dei^ 
" et qui semetipsos dediderunt ad patrtrndetm anmem 
" immunditiam cum aviditate \ AxA because the 
" preaching of God's word (which to aJl Christian 
^^ people's conscience is sweet and delectable) is to 

* Eph. ir. 19. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 448 

*^ them (having eatiterizatas consci&nticLs) bitter and a. 0.1580. 
" grievous ; for, as St. Ambrose saith "*, quomodo ~ — '— 




possunt verba Dei dtdcia esse in fauciius tuis, in 
guibus est amaritudo nequitice? Therefore they 
" wish also that there were no preachers at all. 
** But because they dare not directly condemn the 
office of preaching, so expressly commanded by 
God's word, (for that same were open blasphemy,) 
they turn themselves altogether, and with the 
same meaning as the others do, to take exceptions 
agamst the persons of those that be admitted to 
" preach. But God forbid, madam, that you should 
" open your ears to any of these vncked persuasions, 
" or any way go about to diminish the preaching of 
** Christ's gospel ; for that would ruinate altogether 
at the length. Cum defecerit prophetia^ dissipoMtur 
popultis ^, saith Solomon. Now where it is thought 
that the reading of the godly Homilies set forth l^ 
" public authority may suffice, I continue of the 
** same mind I was when I attended last upon your 
majesty. The reading of Homilies hath his com- 
modity, but is nothing comparable to the office 
of preaching. The godly preacher is termed in 
the gosjfel Fidelis servtis et prvdens qui novitfamur' 
litio Domini cibum demensum dare in tempore^ who 
** can apply his speech according to the diversity of 
^* times, places, and hearers, which cannot be done 
« in homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and per- 
^^ suasions are uttered vdth more affection to the 
^^ moving of the hearers in sermons than in homilies. 
" Besides, homilies were devised by the godly bishops 
" in your brother's time, only to supply necessity for 

™ Super Psal. cxix. [Serin, xiii. §.27.] ^ Prov. xxix. 





444 Tfie Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1580. <« want of preachers, and are by the statute not to 
-!i^ " be preferred, but to give place to sermons whenso- 
" ever they may be had, and were never thought in 
** themselves alone to contain sufficient instruction 
" for the Church of England ; for it was then found, 
" as it is found now, that this Church of England 
** hath been by appropriations (and that not without 
" sacrilege) spoiled of the livings which at the first 
were appointed to the office of preaching and 
teaching, which appropriations were first annexed 
** to abbeys, and after came to the crown, and now 
•* are dispersed to private men's possessions, without 
" hope to reduce the same to the original institution. 
" So as at this day, in mine opinion, where one 
church is able to yield sufficient living to a learned 
preacher, there are at the least vi. churches unable 
** to do the same. [And in many parishes of your 
** realm, where there be seven or eight himdred 
** souls, (the more is the pity,) there are not eight 
** pounds a year reserved for a minister. In such 
" parishes it is not possible to place able preachers, 
" for want of convenient stipend. If every flock 
might have a preaching pastor, which is rather to 
be wished than hoped for, then were reading of 
** Homilies altogether unnecessary. But to supply 
•* that want of preaching of God's word, which is 
" the food of the soul, growing upon the necessities 
" aforementioned both in your brother's time and 
" in your time, certain godly Homilies have been 
" devised, that the people should not be altogether 
" destitute of instruction ; for it is an old and true 
" proverb, * Better half a loaf than no bread ®.'] 

o QThis passage was very ginal. Fuller adding a note in 
incorrectly printed in the ori- the margin to this effect : ^* The 



of Britain* 






** Now for the second point, which is concerning a. D. 1580. 
" the learned exercise and conference amongst the ^^ 
** ministers of the church, I have consulted with 
" divers of my brethren the bishops, by letters, 
** who think the same as I do, a thing profitable 
to the church, and therefore expedient to be 
continued; and I trust your majesty will think 
** the like, when your highness shall have been in- 
" formed of the manner and order thereof, what 
authority it hath of the scriptures, what commo- 
dity it bringeth with it, and what discommodity 
•* will follow if it be clean taken away. 

" The authors of this exercise are the bishops of 
*' the diocese where this same is used, who, both by 
" the law of God and by the canons and constitutions 
** of the church now in force, have authority to ap- 
*^ point exercises to their inferior ministers for increase 
of learning and knowledge in the scriptures, as to 
them seemeth most expedient, for that pertaineth 
" €bd disdplinam clericalem. The times appointed 
for the assembly is once a month, or once in twelve 
or fifteen days, at the discretion of the ordinary. 
^* The time of the exercise is two hours ; the place, 
** the church of the town appointed for the assembly. 
" The matter entreated of is as foUoweth : some 
text of scripture, before appointed to be spoken 
of, is interpreted in this order : first, the occasion 














word not being easily legible, 
I have left a blanks (as some- 
times before and after,) pre- 
ferring to refer the sense to 
the judicious reader's own 
conjecture, than to impose 
my guess upon him." The 

whole passage is omitted in the 
Yelverton copy, but found in 
Strype's ; no doubt it existed in 
the rough and original draft of 
the letter, but was probably 
struck out from that eventually 
sent to her majesty.] 

446 7%€ Church History book ix. 

A.D. 1580. *« of the place is shewed ; secondly, the end ; thirdly, 
— — ^ " the proper sense of the place ; fourthly, the pro- 
" priety of the words, and those that be learned in 
" the tongues shewing the interpretation ; fifthly; 
'' where the like phrases are used in the scriptures ^ 
•* sixthly, places in the scriptures seeming to repugri 
" are reconciled ; seventhly, the arguments of the 
** text are opened ; eighthly, it is also declared what 
" virtues and what vices are there touched, and td 
"which of the commandments they appertain^ 
** ninthly, how the text hath been wrested by the 
« adversaries, if occasion so require ; tenthly, and 
*' last of all, what doctrine of faith or manners the 
** text doth contain. The conclusion is with pra;yer 
^* for your majesty and all estates, as is appointed 
** by the Book of Common Prayer, and a psalm: 
** These orders following are also observed in the 
^ said exercise : First, two or three of the gravest 
^ and best learned pastors are appointed of the 
^ bishop to moderate in every assembly ; no man 
** may speak except he be first allowed by the bishop, 
** with this proviso, that no layman be suffered to 
" speak at any time ; no controversy of this present 
" time and state shall be moved or dealt withal. If 
" any attempt the contrary, he is put to silence by 
" the moderators ; none is suffered to glance openly 
or covertly at pastors, public or private ; neither 
yet any one to confute another. If any man utter 
a wrong sense of the scripture, he is privately 
" admonished thereof, and better instructed by the 
" moderators and other his fellow ministers. If any 
" man use immodest speeches, or unreverend gesture 
" or behaviour, or otherwise be suspected in life, he 


CENT. XVI- of Britain, 447 

"is likewise admonished as before. If any man a. d. 1580. 
" wilfully do break tbese orders, he is presented to ^\ ^ ''' 
" the bishop, to be by him corrected. 

^ The ground of this or like exercise is of great 
** and ancient authority ; for Samuel did practise such 
" exercises in his time, both at Naioth, in Ramath, 
** and at Bethel ; so did Elizeus the prophet at Jeri- 
" cho : which studious persons in those days were 
" ChJileA filii prophetarum^ that is to say, the disciples 
« of the prophets, that, being exercised in the study 
** and knowledge of the scriptures^ they might be 
" able men to serve in God's church, as that time 
** required. St. Paul doth make express mention **, 
** that the like in effect was used in the primitive 
" church, and giveth rules for the order of the 
" same ; as, namely, that two or three should speak, 
** and the rest should keep silence. Tliat exercise 
of the church in those days St. Paul calleth pro- 
phetiam^ and the speakers prophetas^ terms very 
" odious in our days to some, because they are not 
^ rightly understood ; for, indeed, prophetia in that 
" and like places of St. Paul doth not, as it doth 
** sometimes, signify ptediction of things to come, 
which gift is not now ordinary in the church of 
God, but signifieth there, by the consent of the 
** best ancient writers, the interpretation and expo- 
" sition of the scriptures ; and therefore doth St: 
" Paul attribute unto these that be called prophets, 
docUinam ad cedificationem^ ewhortationem^ et con* 
solationem. This gift of expounding and inter- 
" preting the scriptures was in St. PauPs time 
given to many by special miracle without study ; 

o 1 Cor. xiv. 


448 The Church Histoiy book ix. 

A.D. 1580. " so was also, by like miracle^ the gift to speak 
— ' — 1- " with strange tongues, which they had never 
** learned. But now, miracles ceasing, men must 
** attain to the knowledge of the Hebrew, Greek, 
" and Latin tongues, &c. by travel and study, God 
^^ giving the increase. So must men also attain, 
" by like means, to the gift of expounding and in- 
" terpreting the scriptures ; and, among other helps, 
** nothing is so necessary as these above-named ex- 
" ercises, and conference amongst the ministers of 
** the church, which in effect are all one with the 
exercises of students in divinity in the universities, 
saving that the first is done in a tongue under- 
" stood, to the more edifying of the unlearned 
** hearers. Howsoever report hath been made to 
" your majesty concerning these exercises, yet I and 
^^ others of your bishops, whose names are noted in 
" the margent hereof p, as they have testified unto 
" me by their letters, have found by experience that 
*' these profits and commodities following have en- 
** sued by it: 1. The ministers of the church are 
more skilful and ready in the scriptures, and apter 
to teach their flocks. 2dly. It withdraweth them 
from idleness, wandering, gaming, &c. Sdly. Some 
" afore suspected in doctrine are brought hereby to 
" the open confession of the truth. 4thly. Ignorant 
" ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, 
" yet for shame and fear of discipline. Sthly. The 
*' opinion of laymen touching the idleness of the 
" clergy is hereby removed. 6thly. Nothing by 
" experience beateth down popery more than that 

p Cantuar., London., Win- cest., Lincoln., Criesten.,Exon., 
ton., Bathon., Lichfeld., Glo- Meneven. als. Davidis. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 449 

" ministers, as some of my brethren do certify, grow a. d. 1580. 

" of such knowledge by means of these exercises,-!^ L 

" that where afore were not three able preachers, 
now are thirty meet to preach at Paul's Cross, and 
forty or fifty besides able to instruct their own 
cures, so as it is found by experience the best 
means to increase knowledge in the simple, and to 
" continue it in the learned. Only backward men 
*' in religion and contemners of learning in the coun- 
" tries abroad do fret against it, which in truth do 
" the more commend it. The dissolution of it would 
breed triumph to the adversaries, and great sor- 
row and grief unto the favourers of religion, con- 
" trary to the counsel of Ezekiel % who saith. Cor 
''^jmti non est contristandum. And although some 
" few have abused this good and necessary exercise, 
" there is no reason that the malice of a few should 
prejudice all. Abuses may be reformed, and that 
which is good may remain ; neither is there any 
** just cause of offence to be taken, if divers men 
" make divers senses of one sentence of scripture, 
" so that all the senses be good, and agreeable to 
** the analogy of faith ; for otherwise we must needs 
" condemn all the ancient fathers and doctors of the 
*' church, who most commonly expound one and the 
'* same text of the scripture diversely, and yet all 
to the good of the church. Therefore doth St. 
Basil compare the scripture to a well, out of the 
** which the more a man draweth, the better and 
** sweeter is the water. I trust when your majesty 
^* hath considered and well weighed the premises, 

<l xiii. 18. 



460 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1580. *« you will rest satisfied, and judge that no such 

** inconveniences can grow of these exercises as you 

** have heen informed, but rather the clean contrary; 
** and for mine own part, because I am well assured 
•* both by reasons and arguments taken out of the 
" holy scriptures, and by experience, the most certain 
** seal and sure knowledge, of the said exercises for 
*' the interpretation and exposition of the scriptures, 
" and for exhortation and comfort drawn out of the 
" same, are both profitable to increase knowledge 
" amongst the ministers, and tendeth to the edifying 
** of the hearers ; I am forced, with all humility, 
*' and yet plainly, to profess that I cannot with safe 
" conscience, and without the oflfence of the majesty 
" of God, give my assent to the suppressing of the 
" said exercises, much less can I send out any in- 
" junction to the utter subversion of the same. I 
^ say with St. Paul, / have no potoer to destroy, but 
only to edify ; and with the same apostle, / can 
do nothing against the truth, but for the truth. If 
^* it be your majesty's pleasure for this or any other 
** cause to remove me out of this place, I will with 
•* all humility yield thereto, and render again to 
" your majesty that I received of the same. I con- 
^* sider with myself, qtwd horrendum est incidere in 
manus Dei viventis ; I consider also, qtiod quifacit 
contra canscientiam {divinis juribus nia?am) cedificat 
ad gehennam. And what should I win if I gained, 
" I will not say a bishopric, but the whole world, and 
" lose my own soul ? Bear with me, I beseech you, 
" madam, if I choose rather to offend your earthly 
" majesty than to offend the heavenly majesty of 
" God. And now, being sorry that I have been so 


CENT. XVI. of Britain. 451 

** long and tedious unto your majesty, I will draw a. d. 1580. 

" to an end, most humbly praying the same that you '— 

** would consider these short petitions following : 
** the first is, that you would refer all these eccle- 
siastical matters, which touch religion or the doc- 
trine or discipline of the church, unto the bishops 
** and divines of your realm, according to the ex- 
ample of all godly Christian emperors and princes 
of all ages ; for indeed they are things to be judged, 
as an ancient father writeth, in ecclesia sen si/nodo, 
non in pahtio. When your majesty hath questions 
" of the laws of your realm, you do not decide the 
** same in your court, but send them to your judges 
** to be determined. Likewise, for the duties in mat- 
ters in doctrine or discipline of the church, the ordi- 
nary manner is to refer the decision of the same to 
the bishops and other head ministers of the church. 
** Ambrose to Theodosius useth these words : Si de 
** causis pecuniariis comites tuos constdis, quanta 
" mayis, in causa religionis sacerdotes cequum est 
" consulas ^. And likewise the same father to the 
good emperor Valentinianus ', Si conferendum de 
fide^ sacerdotum debet esse ista collatio, sicut Jac- 
turn est svh Constantino augustcB memoruB prin^ 
cipe, qui nullas leges ante prcemisit, sed liberum 
dedit judicium sa>cerdotibus. And in the same 
place the same father saith that Constantius the 
emperor, son to the same Constantino the Great, 
began well, by reason he followed his father's steps 
at the first, but ended ill, because he took upon 
hini de fide intra Palatium judicare^ (for so be the 
words of Ambrose,) and therefore fell into Arian- 

q [Epist. xf. §. 27.] ' Epist. 32. [=21, §. 15 and 4.] 

Gg 2 

452 The Church History book ix. 

A.D.is8a« ism, a teiTible example. The same Ambrose, 

" commended so much in all histories for a godly 

" bishop^ goeth yet fiirther, and writeth to the said 
" emperor in this form : Si docendus est episcoptis a 
" laicOy quid seqtietur laicus ergo disputety et episco- 
" pus audiat ; episcopus discat sed discit a laico. At 
** certe, si vel scripturarum divinarum seriem, vel 
Vetera tempora retrcmtemus, quis est qui abnuai in 
causa fideij in causa inquam fidei^ episcopos solere 
** de imperatoribus Christianis^ mm imperatores de 
^ episcopis jtidicare. Would to God your majesty 
** would follow this ordinary course ! You should 
•• procure to yourself much quietness of mind, better 
** please God, avoid many offences, and the church 
" should be more quietly and peaceably governed, 
" much to your commodity and comfort of your 
** realm. The second petition I have to make to 
your majesty is this, that when you deal in matters 
of faith and religion, or in matters that touch the 
" church of Christ, which is his spouse bought with 
•* so dear a price, you would not use to pronounce 
** so resolutely and peremptorily, quasi ex authoritatCy 
as you may do in civil and extern matters, but 
always remember that in Grod*s causes the will of 
" God, and not the will of any earthly creature, is 
" to take place. It is the Antichristian voice of the 
** pope : Sic voloj sic jvheOy stet pro rations voluntas. 
" In God*s matters all princes ought to bow their 
** sceptres to the Son of God, and to ask counsel at 
" his mouth what they ought to do. David ex- 
" horteth all kings and rulers to serve God with 
^^ fear and trembling. Remember, madam, that you 
" are a mortal creature. Look not only (as was 
" said to Theodosius) upon the purple and princely 



CENT. XVI. of Britain, 468 

** array wherewith you are apparelled, but consider -^-^'isso* 

" withal what is that that is covered therewith z. —^ 

^^ Is it not flesh and blood? is it not dust and ashes? 
" is it not a corruptible body, which must return to 
** her earth again ? Grod knoweth how soon. Must 
it not also one day appear, ante tremendum tribunal 
crucifijvi^ ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore^ 
sive bonum sive malum ? And although you are a 
mighty prince, yet remember that he which dwell- 
etli in heaven is mightier; he is, as the psalmist 
** saith, Terribilis est is qui aufert spiritum prin- 
cipum, terribilis super omnes reges terrce. Where- 
fore I do beseech you, madam, in visceribm Christie 
when you deal in these religious causes, set the 
majesty of God before your eyes, laying all earthly 
majesty aside; determine with yourself to obey 
his voice, and with all humility say unto him, Non 
mea sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath blessed you 
with great felicity in your reign now many years ; 
" beware you do not impute the same to your own 
" well deserts or policy, but give God the glory ; and 
** as to instruments and means, impute your said 
felicity, first, to the goodness of the cause which 
you have set forth, — I mean Christ's true religion; 
and secondly, to the sighs and groanings of the 
godly in their fervent prayers unto God for you, 
" which have hitherto as it were tied and bounden 
** the hands of God, that he could not pour out his 
plagues upon you and your people, as your people 
most justly deserved. Take heed that you never 
think of declining from God, lest that be verified 
of you which is written of Joash, as who continued 

z [Theodoret Eccl. Hist. V. 8.] 


454 The Church History book i%. 

A.D. 1580. " a prince of God and godly government for many 
— — ^ " years together, afterward, eum roboratus esset^ 
saith the text, elevatum est cor ejiLS in interitum 
suum et neglewit Dominum. You have done many 
" things well, but except you persevere unto the 
" end, you cannot be blessed ; for if you turn from 
" Grod, then God will turn his merciful kindness 
" from you ; and what remaineth then to be looked 
" for, but only a terrible expectation of God's judg- 
" ment, and heaping up wrath against the day of 
wrath? But I trust in God your majesty will 
always humble yourself under his mighty hand, 
" and go forward in the zealous setting forth of 
" God's true religion, always yielding due obedience 
" and reverence to the word of God, the only rule 
" of faith and religion. And if you do so, although 
" God hath just causes, many ways, to be angry with 
" you and us for our unthankfulness, yet I doubt 
" nothing but for his own name's sake, and for his 
" own glory's sake, he will still hold his merciful 
" hand over us, shield and protect us under the sha- 
" dow of his wings, as he hath done hitherto. I 
" beseech God our heavenly Father plentifully to 
" pour his principal spirit upon you, and always ta 
*' direct your heart in his holy fear. 

" Amen." 

What could be written with more spirit and less 
animosity? more humility and less dejection? I 
see a lamb in his own can be a lion in God and his 
church's cause. Say not that oi^bitds and senectics 
(the two things which made the man speak so boldly 
to the tyrant ^) only encouraged Grindal in this his 

a Plutarch. Morals. 


of Britain. 


writing, whose necessary boldness did arise, partly a. 0.1580. 
from confidence in the goodness of the cause, for— ^ — ^ 
which, partly from the graciousness of the queen to 
whom he made his address ; but, alas ! all in vain : 
Leicester had so filled her majesty's ears with com- 
plaints agamst him, there was no room to receive 
his petition. 

4. Indeed Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lam- Lambeth 
beth House, alleging as good arguments for his ob- 6^ai*s 
taining thereof as ever were urged by Ahab for*^*" 
Naboth's vineyard. Now Grindal, though generally 
condemned for remissness in this kind, (parting with 
more from his see than ever his successors thanked 
him for ^) stoutly opposed the alienating of this his 
principal palace, and made the Leicestrian party to 
malice him; but more hereof hereafter^. Mean- 
time may the reader take notice that a great scholar 
lind statesman, and no enemy to the hierarchy, in 
his worthy *' Considerations about Church-Go vem- 
" ment ^," (tendered to king James,) conceiveth that 
such prophesyings which Grindal did favour might 
be so discreetly cautioned and moderated, as to make 
them, without fear of faction, profitable for advancing 

h [Upon this passage Strype 
remarks : " This is a hard 
'* charge, but spoken in gene- 
" ral terms. If he means ex- 
" changes with the queen, he 
'' and all the rest of the bishops 
** were forced to make these 
'* exchanges by an act that 
'* passed for that purpose in 
•• the beginning of her reign ; 
*' and what endeavours he and 
" two or three more of the first 
** elects made, by a secret letter 
*' to her majesty, and by a 

" voluntary proffer of a large 
'* yearly equivalent, to forbear 
" the making use of that power 
" the parliament had given her, 
" hath been before shewn/' 
Life of Grindal, p. 306. The 
secret letter mentioned in the 
above quotation is printed at 
length in Strype's Life of Par- 
ker, App. p» 1 6.] 

c In Grindal's character at 
his death. 

d Sir Francis Bacon, [Works, 
vol. II. p. 524, ed. Lond. 1 826.] 

G g 4 

456 The Church History book ix. 

A. D. 1.580. of learning and religion. But bo jealous were some 
— — L bishops of that age of these prophesyings, as having 
too much presbyterian analogy and clasdcal consti- 
tution therein, they decried the motion of them as 
The death 5. I find uo mortality of protestant worthies this 
BiSSST"*^ year, but amongst the catholics much moan for the 
death of Alan Cope, Harpsfield*s great correspond- 
ent, and agent for those of his religion at Rome, 
where he died, and was buried in the English col- 
lege * ; and George Bullock, bred in St. John's in 
Cambridge, and after lived in Antwerp, in the 
monastery of St. Michael's ^. 
Popish 6. Now began priests and Jesuits to flock faster 

l^rarm into *^*^ England than ever before, having exchange of 
England, elothcs, and names, and professions : he who on 
Sunday was a priest or Jesuit, was on Monday a 
merchant, on Tuesday a soldier, on Wednesday a 
courtier, &c. ; and with the shears of equivocation, 
constantly carried about him, he could cut himself 
into any shape he pleased. But under all their new 
shapes they retained their old nature, being akin in 
their turbulent spirits to the wind pent in the sub- 
terranean concavities, which will never be quiet 
until it hath vented itself with a state-quake of 
those countries wherein they abide. These distilled 
traitorous principles into all people wheresoever 
they came, and endeavoured to render them dis- 
affected to her majesty; maintaining that she neither 
had nor ought to have any dominion over her sub- 
jects whilst she persisted in an heretical distance 
from the church of Rome. 

e [See Wood's Athen. 1. 198.] ^ [Tanner's Bibl. p. 139.] 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 457 

7. Hereupon the parliament, which now met atA.D.is8a 

Westniinster, was enforced, for the security of the ^ 

state, to enact severe laws against them ^ : first, that se^ty^ 
it should be treason to draw any from that feithm^r*^^*" 
established in England to the Romish religion ; Jg^'* 
secondly, that it should be treason to be reconciled 
to the Romish religion ; thirdly^ that to maintain or 
conceal any such person longer than twenty days, 
should be misprision of treason ; fourthly, that saying 
mass should be two hundred marks penalty and one 
year's imprisonment ; fifthly, hearing mass should be 
one hundred marks penalty and one year's imprison- 
ment ; sixthly, absence from the church one month 
finable at twenty pounds ; seventhly, all they shall 
be imprisoned who will not or cannot pay the for- 
feiture ; eighthly, it was provided that such should 
pay ten pounds a month who kept a schoolmaster in 
their house, who repaireth not to church. Where, 
by the way, we may mention that some since con- 
ceive themselves to have discovered a defect in this 
law, because no order is taken therein against popish 
schoolmistresses ; and although schoolmaster may 
seem of the common gender, and inclusive of both 
sexes, yet by the letter of the law all she-teachers, 
which did mischief to little children, evaded the 
punishment. Thus when authority hath carefully 
shut all doors and windows imaginable, some little 
offenders will creep through the crannies thereof ». 

^ [See the Statutes of the upon the Roman catholics. 

Realm, 23 Eliz. c. i.] The results which it produced 

8 [The reader vnW. find a list are well stated in bishop Good- 

of the sums paid in some few man's Memoirs, p. 93 : " The 

instances in Strype*s Annals, " penal laws were such, and so 

IV. p. 197. This law fell with ^* executed, that they could not 

a pernicious and ruinous effect *' subsist: what was usuallysold 


The Church HisUny 


mulcts for 

A. D. 1580. 8. When sovereigns have made laws, subjects 
sometimes take the boldness to sit in judgment upon 
them ; to commend them for just, or condemn them 
for cruel, as here it came to pass. Some (and those 
far enough from all popery) misliked the imposing 
of money-mulcts on men's consciences. If the mass 
were lawful, let it freely be permitted ; if unlawful, 
let it wholly be prohibited. It is a sad case to 
make men pay dear for their damnation, and so sell 
them a license to do that which the receivers of 
their money conceive to be unlawful. It is part of 
the character of the whore of Babylon, (which pro- 
testants generally apply to Borne,) that she traded or 
made a mart of the souls of men \ as this was little 

Others con- 9, Qthcrs, uot disUkiug a pecuniary penalty, yet 

oeive uie 

in shops, and openly bought, 
this the pursuevant would 
take away from them, as being 
popish and superstitious. One 
knight did affirm that in one 
term he gave twenty nobles 
in reward to the door-keeper 
of the attorney-general ; an- 
other did affirm that his third 
part which remained unto 
him of his estate did hardly 
serve for his expense in law 
to defend him from other 
oppressions ; besides their 
children to be taken from 
home, to be brought up in 
another religion. So they 
did every way conclude that 
their estate was desperate ; 
they could die but once, and 
their religion was more pre- 
cious unto them than their 
lives. They did further con- 
sider their misery, how they 
were debarred in any course 





of life to help themselves: 
they could not practise law^ 
they could not be citizens, 
they could have no office ; 
they could not breed up their 
sons, none did desire to 
match with them ; they had 
neither fit marriages for their 
daughters, nor nunneries to 
put them into ; for those few 
which are beyond seas are 
not considerable in respect 
of the number of recusants* 
and none can be admitted 
into those without great sums 
of money, which they, being 
exhausted, could not supply. 
The spiritual court did not 
cease to molest them, to ex- 
communicate them^ then to 
imprison them ; and thereby 
they were utterly disenabled 
to sue for their own."] 
^ Rev. xviii. 13. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 469 

conceived the proportion thereof unreasonable : ^- ^- 'jSo. 

twenty pounds a month, a vast sum, (especially as : — 

exacted by lunary months, consisting of twenty-eight of the fine 
days, and so making thirteen months in the year,) sdonaWe. 
enough to shatter the containment of a rich man's 
estate. They commended the moderation of the 
former statute, which required twelve pence a Sun- 
day of all such as could not give a reasonable excuse 
of their absence from church. That did smart, yet 
did not fetch blood; at the worst, did not break 
bones. Whereas now twenty pounds a month, paid 
severally by every recusant for himself, and as much 
for his wife, (which, though one flesh in divinity, yet 
are two persons in law,) held so heavy as to cripple 
their estates. And as the rich hereby were almost 
undone, so the poor papists (who also had souls to 
save) passed wholly unpunished, paying nothing, 
because unable to pay all the penalty. And although 
imprisonment was imposed by law on persons not 
solvable, yet officers were unwilling to cast them 
into jail, where they might lie and fill the jails, and 
rot vdthout hopes of enlargement. 

10. Larger were the debates, both then and since, Ar^ments 
in discourse and writing, about the capital punish- S^eS^er*^ 
ment in taking away the lives of Jesuits ; some being jJ^^^iJ^* p^^ 
zealous for the vigorous execution of those laws, and death. 
others as earnest for the confining only of Jesuits ' 
close prisoners during their life, conceiving it con- 
ducing most to the tranquillity of the kingdom. But 
see their reasons : 

It is safest for England with It is safest for England to 

vigour and rigour to in- keep Jesuits in perpetual 

spirit the iaws^ and put durance, without taking 

Jesuits to death. away their lives. 


The Church History 


A.D. 1580. !• Their breath is conta- 
23 Eliz. gious to English air, whose 
appearance in any protestant 
state is as sure a presage 
as the playing of porpoises 
above water that foul weather 
is to follow therein. 

2. It would render the 
reputation of our state lighter 
in the balance of the best 
friends thereof^ if it should 
enact severe laws against 
offenders, and then hang 
those laws up, like forfeits in 
a barber'^s shop, only to be 
looked on and laughed at, 
as never put in execution. 
What was this, but to make 
the sword of justice (which 
ought alwajfs to be kept keen 
and sharp) but to be like 
fencers'* swords, when they 
play in jest-earnest, having 
the edge dun ted and the 
point buttoned up? Might 
not felons and murderers, 
even with some justice, pro- 
mise much mercy unto them- 
selves, (whose offences are 
terminated in spoiling or 
killing of particular persons,) 
if priests and Jesuits, public 
incendiaries of the state, have 
such mercy indulged unto 
them ? 

8. Favour in this kind in- 
dulged to Jesuits would be 
generally misinterpreted to 

1. All sinners are not de- 
vils, and all devils are not 
Beelzebubs. Some priests 
and Jesuits are of a milder 
temper and better metalled, 
who by moderation may be 
melted into amendment. 

% The point and edge of 
the sword of justice (under- 
stand the law itself) may 
remain as sharp as it was 
before; only the arm may 
and ought to strike with less 
strength, and use more mo- 
deration in inflicting such 
severe punishments. The 
most wholesome laws would 
be poison, (justice, hot in 
the fourth degree, is cruelty,) 
if enforced at all times and 
on all persons to the utmost 
extremity. Let the law stand 
unrepealed, only some miti- 
gation be used in the execu- 
tion thereof. 

3. Princes ought not to 
be affrighted from doing 
what is good and honourable 


of Britain. 


proceed, not from her ma. 
jesty's pity, but either from 
her fearfulness, (as not dar- 
ing longer to enrage the 
popish party,) or from her 
guiltiness, who out of remorse 
of conscience could not find 
in her heart to execute such 
cruel laws as she had en- 

4. This, in all probability, 
will be the most effectual 
course to extirpate Jesuitism 
out of -the land; for their 
superiors beyond the seas, 
seeing all such as they send 
hither impartially cut off by 
the hand of justice, will either 
out of pity forbear for the 
future to thrust moe men into 
the jaws of death, or else 
such subject-Jesuits, out of 
policy, will refuse to be sent 
by them on unavoidable de- 

in itself, with the scarecrowsA. D. 1580. 
of people's misinterpreta- ^^ ^^^' 
tions thereof. If such mis- 
constructions of her majesty'*s 
mercy be taken up wilfully, 
let such persons bear the 
blame and shame of their 
voluntary and affected errors. 
If they be only ignorant mis- 
takes of ingenuous persons, 
time will rectify their judg- 
ments, and beget in them a 
better opinion of her majes- 
ty's proceedings. However, 
better it is that the queen'^s 
lenity should hazard such 
misconstructions thereof, than 
that otherwise she should be 
certainly censured for cruelty, 
and the state taxed as desir- 
ous to grow fat by sucking 
the blood of catholics. 

4. It will rather be the 
way to continue and increase 
the same. The blood of 
martyrs, whether real or re- 
puted, is the seed of that 
church, true or false, in 
maintenance whereof they 
lose their lives. We know 
clamorousness and multitude 
dp much in crying up mat- 
ters ; and herein the papists, 
at home and beyond the seas, 
will play their parts, to roar 
out such men for martyrs. A 
succession of Jesuits to be 
sent over will never fail, see- 


The Church History 


A. D. 1580. 
33 Eliz. 

5. The dead do not bite, 
and, being despatched out 
of the way, are forgotten ; 
whereas, if Jesuits be only 
condemned to perpetual dur- 
ance, their party abroad will 
be restless in plotting and 
practising their brethren's 
enlargement. It is safer, 
therefore, to take away sub- 

jectum conatusy (the subject 
and object of their endea- 
vours,) by ridding them quite 
out of the way, that their 
complices may despair to 
relieve them ; for, though 
prisoners may be rescued 
with much might, dead men 
cannot be revived without 

6. No precedent could 
ever yet be produced of any 
priest or Jesuit who was con- 
verted with imprisonment ; 
it is therefore but just that 
they who will not be mended 
with the jail should be ended 
with the gallows. 

ing that service amongst erro- 
neous judgments will never 
want volunteers, where merit 
of heaven is the believed 
wages thereof. 

5. The greater rage mov- 
eth to the greater revenge, 
and the greater (appre- 
hended) injury causeth the 
greater rage. It will rather 
sharpen the edge of popish 
zeal, more earnestly to re- 
venge their deaths, than to 
rescue them from durance. 

6. Though the instance 
cannot be given of any priest 
or Jesuit who hath totally 
renounced his religion, yet 
some have been made semi- 
converts, so far as to dis- 
claim the treacherous part 
and principles thereof. This 
is most visible in the secular 
priests, the queen's lenity so 
working on many of them 
that both in writing and 
preaching they have detested 


of Britain. 


7. The rather, because no 
Jesuit is put to death for his 
religion, but rebellion. They 
are never examined on any 
article of their faith, nor are 
their consciences burdened 
with any interrogatories 
touching their belief; but 
only practices against the 
state are charged upon them. 

and confuted all such traitor- A. D. 1580. 
ous practices, as against the ^^ ^ 
laws of God. 

7. The death of Jesuits, 
in such cases, may fitly be 
styled the child of their re- 
bellion, but the grandchild 
of their religion, which is 
removed but a degree far- 
ther; for their obedience to 
their superiors putteth them 
on the propagation of their 
religion, and by all means to 
endeavour the same, which 
causeth them out of an erro- 
neous conscience to do that 
which rendereth them offend- 
ers to our state. Now, in all 
ages, such as have suffered 
for their consciences, not 
only immediately and in a 
direct line, but also at the 
second hand and by implica- 
tion, receive pity from all 
such as behold their suffer- 


^ngs, (whether as a debt due, 
or as an alms given unto 
them, let others dispute ;) 
and therefore such putting 
of Jesuits unto death will 
but procure unto them a 
general commiseration. 

These and many other reasons (too many and 
tedious to be here inserted) were brought, and 
bandied on both sides, eveiy one censming as they 
stood affected. 

464 The Church History book ix. 

A.D. r58a 11. In the execution of these laws against Jesuits, 
^ queen Elizabeth embraced a middle and moderate 

The ezecu- x i i t. i • i ^ 

tionofthis waj. Indeed, when a new rod is made, some must 
rated?*^* bo whipped therewith, though it be but in terrorem 
of others. When these statutes were first in the 
state, or magisteriality thereof, they were severely 
put in practice on such offenders as they first lighted 
on ; but some years after, the queen and her judges 
grew remiss in the execution thereof: witness the 
only confining of many of them to Wisbich Castle, 
where they fell out amongst themselves. And in 
king James his days this dormant law against Jesuits 
only awakened some once in four or five years, to 
shew the world that it was not dead, and then fairly 
fell asleep again, being very sparingly put in execu- 
tion against some notorious offenders. 
Sendere ^^' ^^ worst was, the puuishment happened 
scape best, hcaviost ou thoso which were the least offenders; 
for whereas the greatest guilt was in the senders, 
all the penalty fell on the messengers : I mean on 
such novices which, sent hither at their superiors' 
commands, and who, having lost their sight beyond 
the seas by blind obedience, came over to lose their 
lives in England. Now Jesuitism is a weed whose 
leaves, spread into our land, may be cut off, but 
the root thereof is out of reach, as fixed in Rome 
and other foreign parts ; for in the mean time their 
superiors, staying at Rome, ate, slept, wrote, railed, 
complained of persecution, making of faces ; and 
they themselves crying out " Oh !" whilst they thrust 
the hands of others of their own religion into the 
The acts of 13, j\ Jq^j parliament is always attended with a 

a silent con- *^ j 


CENT. XVI. ^Britain. 465 

silent convocation, as here it came to pass '. The ^- ^'^^^' 

activity of the fonner in church matters left the 

latter nothing to do. Only this account I can give 
thereof out of our records : first, archbishop Grindal 
appeared not at all therein, — age, blindness, and 
disgrace keeping the good father at home ; secondly, 
John Aylmer, bishop of London, was appointed his 
locum tenensy or deputy ; thirdly, this convocation 
began in St. Paul's, (where it continued without any 
removal,) with reading the Litany vulgar i sermone^ 
in the English tongue; fourthly, the bishop com- 
mended three (namely, Dr. [Laurence] Humfrey, dean 
of Winchester ; Dr. George ^ Day, dean of Windsor ; 
and Dr. [Gabriel] Goodman, dean of Westminster) to 
the inferior clergy, to choose one of them for their 
referendary or prolocutor ; fifthly. Dr. Day was 
elected^, and presented for that office; sixthly™, 
motion was made of drawing up some articles against 
the dangerous opinions of the Family of Love, a 
sect then much increasing, but nothing was effected; 
seventhly, at several sessions they met and prayed, 
and conferred, and prorogued their meeting «, and 
departed ; lastly, the clergy granted a subsidy, (after- 
wards confirmed by the parliament,) and so the con- 
vocation was dissolved. 

^ [Fuller has sacrificed too by Wilkins, in his Concilia, IV. 

much to antithesis; for, as 293.] 

Strype observes, many weighty ^ So called by mistake in 

matters were debated in this Records; otherwise his name 

convocation. Two authentic was William, 

journals of its proceedings have ^ [Jan. 25.] 

been preserved and printed : ^ [In the tiiird session^ Jan, 

one by Strype, from bishop 27.] 

Atterbury's Extracts, (Life of n [On the 20th March to 

Grindal, p. 257, sq.;) the other 25th April, 1581.] 


466 The Church History book ix, 

A. D. 1580. 14. Now can I not satisfy myself, on my strictest 

inquiry, what Jesuit or priest had the first handsel 

whom the of that sevoro statute made against them. Indeed 
firet h!^d- I fi^d ^ priest, John Pain by name, executed at 
^^^ Chelmsford, March the 31st <>, (which was but thir- 
teen days after the dissolution of the parliament,) 
for certain speeches by him uttered, but cannot 
avouch him for certainty tried on this statute. More 
probable it is that Thomas Ford, John Short, and 
Robert Johnson, priests executed at London, were 
the first-fruits of the state's severity p. 
The death 15. No eminent clergyman protestant died this 
Berkeiy. ycar^, savo Gilbert Berkely, bishop of Bath and 
Wells, who, as his arms do attest, was allied to the 
ancient and honourable family of the Berkelys. 
of o^nL 16. The presbyterian party was not idle all this 
byteriMis while, but appointed a meeting at Cockfield (Mr. 
fieid. Kjiewstub's cure) in Suffolk, where threescore minis- 
ters of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire met 
together, to confer of the Common Prayer-Book, 
what might be tolerated, and what necessary to be 
refused in every point of it,-.-apparel, matter, form, 
days, fastings, injunctions, &c. ' Matters herein were 
carried with such secresy, that we can see no light 
thereof, but what only shineth through one crevice, 
in a private letter of one thus expressing himself to 

o [The 2nd of April, 1582. 86, b.] 

See the diary affixed to San- 4 [He died the year before, 

ders De Schism. Angl., ibid, Nov. 2nd, 1581. See Grodwin 

and Bridgewater*s Concertatio, De Prsesul. p. 389. Strype's 

f, 81, b, which contains a very Annals, III. 28.] 

full account of his trial and ^ [See Bancroft's Dangerous 

execution.] Positions, III. 2.] 

P [See Bridgewater, ibid. f. 

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 467 


his friend*: " Concerning the meeting, I hope all a. d. 1580. 

" things were so proceeded in as yourself would like '— 

" of, as well for reverence to other brethren, as for 
" other matters. I suppose before this time some 
*' of the company have told you by word, for that 
" was permitted unto you." 

17. We are also at as great a loss what was theAno*«ra^ 
result of their meeting at the commencement at 
Cambridge, this being all we find thereof in a letter 

of one to his private friend * : " Concerning the com- 
mencement, I like well the motion, desiring it 
might so come to pass, and that it be procured to 
be as general as might be ; which may easily be 
brought to pass, if you at London shall so think 

*' well of it, and we here may understand your mind; 

*' we vnll, we trust, as we can further it. Mr. Allen 

" liketh well of the matter." 

18. The year proved very active, especially in the iiie activi. 
practices of presbyterians, who now found so muchpr^byte- 
favour as almost amounted to a connivance at their "*^' 
discipline ; for whilst the severity of the state was 

at this time intended to the height against Jesuits, 
some lenity of course (by the very rules of opposi- 
tion) fell to the share of the nonconformists, even on 
the score of their notorious enmity to the Jesuitical 

19. The city of Geneva was at this time reduced Beza's let- 
to great difficulties by the Savoyard, her potent vers, ia the 
adversary, and forced to purchase peace on dear and oenev^ 
bitter terms, saving that "extremity sweetens all 

» Mr. Piggy in his letter to ^ Idem ibidem. [Bancroft, 
Mr. Fields dated May 16. ib.] 
[Bancroft, ib.] 


Tfie Church History 


A. D. 1580." things;" and her present condition was incapable 
' of better conditions. Hereupon Mr. Beza, the tongue 

and pen of that state to foreign parts, addressed 
himself by letter to Mr. Walter Travers, whom I 
may term the neck (allowing Mr. Cartwright for the 
head) of the presbyterian party, the second in honour 
and esteem, then chaplain to the lord treasurer, and 
of whom more hereafter. The tenor of the letter 
is here inserted, subscribed by Beza's own hand, (and 
in my possession,) which, though it be of foreign 
extraction, carries much in it of English concern- 

Gratiam et pacem a Domino. 

Si quoties tui et C. nostri 
sum recordatus* mi frater, 
toties ad te scripsissem, jam 
pridem esses Uteris meis 
obrutus. NuUus enim dies 
abit quin de vobis vestrisque 
rebus solicite cogitem, quod 
ita postulare non amicitia 
modo vetus nostra^ sed etiam 
rerum ipsarum de quibus 
laboratis magnitudo videa- 

Sed cum in ea tempora 
nos incidisse viderem, qui- 
bus silere me quam vobis 
scribere prsestaret, silentium 
adbuc mibi invitissimo in- 
dixi. Nunc vero quum 
ilium quorundam ardorem 
audiam per Dei gratiam de- 
fervisse nolui Lunc nostrum 
absque meis ad te Uteris 
pervenire, quibus eundem 
esse me qui fui, testarer^ et 

Grace and peace from the Lord. 

If as often, dear brother, as I 
have remembered thee and our 
Cartwright, so often I should 
have written unto thee, long since 
you had been overwhelmed with 
my letters; for there not passes 
a day wherein I do not carefully 
think both of you and your mat- 
ters ; which not only our ancient 
friendship, but also the greatness 
of those affairs wherein you take 
pains^ seemeth so to require. 

But seeing I perceive, we are 
fallen into those times wherein 
my silence may be safer for you 
than my writing, I have, though 
most unwillingly, commanded my- 
self silence hitherto. But now^ 
seeing that I hear that the heat 
of some men by God's grace is 
abated^ I would not have this my 
friend come to you without my 
letters, that I may testify myself 
still the same unto you, what 


of Britain, 


abs te peterem, ut me yicis- 
sim de rebus vestris certio- 
rem facere ne graveris. Sed 
et alia sese prsebuit scri- 
bendi occasio, bujus videli- 
cet reip. maximse, imo tantse 
difficultates, ut» nisi aliunde 
sublevetur, parva nobis ad- 
modum tuendse in consueto 
statu ecclesise ac scholse spes 
supersit ; quod ita esse vel 
ex eo cognosces quod bsec 
plane inverecunda consilia 
capere cogamur. Nam con- 
cessae quidem nobis sunt per 
Dei gratiam aliquse inducise, 
sed parum, ut apparet, iirmae 
futurae, et tantis veluti re- 
demptse sumptibus ut in 
fieris etiam alieni veluti freto 
jactati non temere naufra- 
gium metuamus. 

Amabo te igitur, mi fra- 
ter^ et precibus assiduis nos 
juvare perge, et siquid prae- 
terea apud nonnullos autho- 
ritate vales, quantum nos 
ames in Domino, quacunque 
honesta ratione poteris os- 
tende. Scrips! vero etiam 
ego vestris plerisque proce- 
ribus,et episcoporumquoque 
collegium ausi sumus com- 
munibus literis hac de re 
compellare : verum quod sit 
mearum literarum pondus 
futurum vel ex eo conjicio, 
quod cum Oxoniensi scholae 
superiore vere meam sim 
observantiam, misso vene- 

formerly I was, and that I may A. D. 1580. 
request of you not to think much, ^3 J^"^- 
at his return^ to certify me of 
your affairs. AJso another occa- 
sion of writing offereth itself, 
namely, the great straits of this 
commonwealth J yea, so greats 
that except it be relieved from 
other parts^ very small hope re- 
maineth unto us to maintain the 
church and university in the for- 
mer state thereof. That these 
things are so, you may know from 
hence that we are forced to ad- 
venture on these bold and un- 
mannerly courses for our support; 
for by God's grace a kind of peace 
is granted unto us, but, as it 
seems^ not likely to last long; 
and that also purchased at so 
great a price, that, tossed as it 
were in the sea of a great debt, 
we have great cause to fear ship- 
wreck therein. 

I beseech thee^ therefore, my 
brother, both proceed to help us 
with thy daily prayers, and be- 
sides, if you have any power to 
prevail with some persons, shew 
us by what honest means you may 
how much you love us in the 
Lord. I also have written to 
most of your noble men, and we 
have been bold with our public 
letters to acquaint your college of 
bishops of this matter ; but what 
weight my letters are likely to 
bear I can guess by this, that 
when, last spring, I testified my 
respects to the university of Ox- 


The Church History 

BOOK ix. 

A. D. 158a. randae plane vetustatis Novi 
^^ ^^- Testament! Graeco - Latini 
codice, testatus, qui publico 
bibliothecae consecraretur, 
ne literulam quidem inde 
aocepi^ ex qua meam banc 
voluntatem ipsis non ingra- 
tam fuisse cognoscerem. Cu- 
jusmodi etiam quiddam apud 
unum et alteram ex priori- 
bus vestris sum expertus. 
Sed hoc, quaeso, inter nos 
dictum esto. Ego vero frus- 
tra etiam quidvis tentare, 
quam officio in banc Rem- 
pub. Ecclesiam ac scbolam 
deesse tam necessario tem- 
pore malui. Bene vale, mi 
carissime frater. D. Jesus 
tibi magis ac magis, et om- 
nibus ipsius gloriam serio 
cupientibus benedicat. 

Genevae, Octobris ^^ 

Tuus, Beza, aliena jam 
manu saepe uti coactus^ 
sua ipsius vacillante. 

ford, by sending them a New 
Testament, (Greek and Latin,) 
truly of venerable antiquity, 
which should be kept in their 
public library, I did not so 
much as receive the least letter 
from them, whereby I might 
know that this my good-will was 
acceptable to them. And some 
such requital also I have found 
from one or two of your noble 
men ; but this 1 pray let it be 
spoken between us alone. For 
my part I had rather try any 
thing, though in vain, than to be 
wanting in my duty to this state, 
churchy and university, especial 
in so necessary a juncture of time. 
Farewell, my dear brother; the 
Lord Jesus every day more and 
more bless thee, and all that ear- 
nestly desire his glory. 

Geneva, October, 

Thine, Beza, often using ano- 
ther man*8 hand, because of 
the shaking of my own. 

suit was 
coldly re- 

We must not let so eminent a letter pass without 
some observations upon it. See we here the secret 
sympathy betwixt England and Geneva, about dis- 
cipline ; Geneva helping England with her prayers, 
England aiding Geneva with her purse. 

20. By the college of bishops, here mentioned by 
Beza, we understand them assembled in the last 
convocation. Wonder not that Geneva's wants found 

* The figure of the day not legible. 


of Britain, 


no more pity from the episcopal party, seeing all a. ©.1582. 
those bishops were dead who (formerly exiles in the — — 1^ 
Marian days) had found favour and relief in Geneva; 
and now a new generation arose, having as little 
affection as obligation to that government. But, 
however it fared with Geneva at this time, sure I 
am that some years after x, preferring her petition 
to the prelacy, (though frequent begging makes 
slender alms,) that commonwealth tasted largely of 
their liberality. 

21. Whereas mention is made of the "heat of Why the 


" some abated," this related to the matter of sub- pressing of 
scription, now not pressed so earnestly as at the first Son^M 
institution thereof y. This remissness may be im-J^**"***' 
puted partly to the nature of all laws ; for though 
knives, if of good metal, grow sharper (because their 
edge thinner) by using, yet laws commonly are keen- 
est at the first, and are blunted in process of time 
in their execution. Partly it is to be ascribed to 

^ Vide an. 1602, parag. 

y [I am at a loss to conceive 
how Fuller could have been led 
into so great an error. A de- 
sire to provide for Geneva was 
one of the last concerns which 
occupied Grindal's attention 
previous to his resigning his 
archbishopric. See Strype's 
Grind, p. 278. In the State 
Paper Office I have seen a book 
containing an account of the 
subscriptions of the clergy and 
laity in the diocese of Canter- 
bury towards the relief of Ge- 
neva. The archbishop, Ed. 
Grindal, gave 66/. 135. 4^.; the 
prebends, 50/. ; the highest 
subscription of any of the laity 
is 5/., and among their names 

occur those of lady Berkeley 
and sir £d. Sands. Eccl. Pap. 
sub hoc anno. This was indeed 
a noble and Christian return 
to a man who had done much 
to encourage faction and schism 
in the English churchy and who 
scrupled not in his letters to 
brand the bishops of our church 
and their order in terms which 
would hardly have been ex- 
pected even from an enemy to 
religion. To give but one in- 
stance : in his letter to Knox, 
speaking of the bishops, he 
says, '* Ne unquam iUam pes- 
** tern admittant quamvis uni- 
** tatis retiuendse specie blan- 
*' diatur." Ep. 79.] 

472 The Church History of Britain, book ix, 

A. D. 1582. archbishop Grindal's age and impotency, who in his 

— greatest strength did but weakly urge conformity; 

partly to the earl of Leicester' his interposing him- 
self patron-general to non-subscribers, being per- 
suaded, as they say, by Roger lord North to under- 
take their protection. 


/■ ^^